本书探讨了全球化、市场化背景下政府职能的转换并聚集于政府的新角色、新责任，全面评价了（新）公共管理在战略管理、财政管理、人事与绩效、电子政府以及管理的内外部要素等诸多层面的发展，系统、生动地呈现了传统公共行政模式和（新）公共管理模式两种典范的博弈和变迁进程。本书无疑已经成为公共管理领域公认的最具影响力的经典、权威著作和教材。

begins with the rise of anti-Semitism in central and western Europe in the 1800s and continues with an examination of European colonial imperialism from 1884 to the outbreak of World War I. Arendt explores the institutions and operations of totalitarian movements, focusing on the two genuine forms of totalitarian government in our time—Nazi Germany and Stalinist Russia—which she adroitly recognizes were two sides of the same coin, rather than opposing philosophies of Right and Left. From this vantage point, she discusses the evolution of classes into masses, the role of propaganda in dealing with the nontotalitarian world, the use of terror, and the nature of isolation and loneliness as preconditions for total domination.

The conventional model for explaining the uniqueness of American democracy is its division between executive, legislative, and judicial functions. It was the great contribution of Frank J. Goodnow to codify a less obvious, but no less profound element: the distinction between politics and policies, principles and operations. He showed how the United States went beyond a nation based on government by gentlemen and then one based on the spoils system brought about by the Jacksonian revolt against the Eastern Establishment, into a government that separated political officials from civil administrators.
Goodnow contends that the civil service reformers persuasively argued that the separation of administration from politics, far from destroying the democratic links with the people, actually served to enhance democracy. While John Rohr, in his outstanding new introduction carefully notes loopholes in the theoretical scaffold of Goodnow's argument, he is also careful to express his appreciation of the pragmatic ground for this new sense of government as needing a partnership of the elected and the appointed.
Goodnow was profoundly influenced by European currents, especially the Hegelian. As a result, the work aims at a political philosophy meant to move considerably beyond the purely pragmatic needs of government. For it was the relationships, the need for national unity in a country that was devised to account for and accommodate pluralism and diversity, that attracted Goodnow's legal background and normative impulses alike. That issues of legitimacy and power distribution were never entirely resolved by Goodnow does not alter the fact that this is perhaps the most important work, along with that of James Bryce, to emerge from this formative period to connect processes of governance with systems of democracy.

Alexis de Tocqueville (1805-1859) is familiar to readers as the author of Democracy in America, the most-quoted book written about the United States. The Old Regime and the Revolution is Tocqueville's great meditation on the origins and meanings of the French Revolution. One of the most profound and influential studies of this pivotal event, it remains a relevant and stimulating discussion of the problem of preserving individual and political freedom in the modern world. Writing in 1851, Tocqueville showed the continuity of French political behavior and social attitudes before and after the Revolution. He discussed the dangers to political freedom posed by tendencies towards government centralization and persistent class hostility that endured from the old regime to the Revolution and beyond.
Alan Kahan's new translation finally provides a faithful and readable rendering in English of Tocqueville's last masterpiece, surpassing existing English editions of the work which are now decades old. The first translation to be based on the forthcoming French critical edition, it includes notes and variants, which reveal Tocqueville's sources as well as new material from his drafts and revisions. The reader will also find a new introduction and other discussions by France's most eminent scholars on Tocqueville and the French Revolution, Françoise Mélonio and the late François Furet.
A major scholarly event, this handsomely produced book will be the definitive English edition of one of the great books in modern intellectual history.
François Furet (1992-1997) was the leading French historian of the Revolution and, according to the New York Times, "one of the most influential French thinkers of the post-war era." Françoise Mélonio is the editor of Gallimard's critical edition of Tocqueville's complete works.
"Françoise Furet . . . challenged the popular Marxist interpretation of the French Revolution and reshaped French thinking about subsequent events. His lifelong fascination with the French Revolution and his many books on it . . . earned him a special place among historians."-New York Times, 16 July 1997
First published in 1856, Tocqueville's examination of the French Revolution is perhaps a most important contribution to our understaning of this keystone of modern history.

This book originated as lectures for a course on political philosophy that Rawls taught regularly at Harvard in the 1980s. In time the lectures became a restatement of his theory of justice as fairness, revised in light of his more recent papers and his treatise
(1993). As Rawls writes in the preface, the restatement presents "in one place an account of justice as fairness as I now see it, drawing on all [my previous] works." He offers a broad overview of his main lines of thought and also explores specific issues never before addressed in any of his writings.
Rawls is well aware that since the publication of
in 1971, American society has moved farther away from the idea of justice as fairness. Yet his ideas retain their power and relevance to debates in a pluralistic society about the meaning and theoretical viability of liberalism. This book demonstrates that moral clarity can be achieved even when a collective commitment to justice is uncertain.

Lucian Pye, one of the most knowledgeable observers of China, unfolds in this book a deep psychological analysis of Chinese political culture. The dynamics of the Cultural Revolution, the behavior of the Red Guards, and the compulsions of Mao Tse-tung are among the important symptoms examined. But Pye goes behind large events, exploring the more enduring aspects of Chinese culture and the stable elements of the national psychology as they have been manifested in traditional, Republican, and Communist periods. He also scans several possible paths of future development. The emphasis is on the roles long played by authority, order, hierarchy, and emotional quietism in Chinese political culture as shaped by the Confucian tradition and the institution of filial piety, and the resulting confusions brought about by the displacements of these traditions in the face of political change and modernization.
In this new edition Pye adds a chapter on the basic tension between consensus and conflict in the operation of Chinese politics, illustrating the spirit in action, and another discussing the great gap that persists between the worlds of the political leadership and of society at large in post-Tiananmen China.