理解新疆的重要研究，揭開再教育營真實狀況

探究極權統治的再進化

面貌、聲音、行為、情緒，高科技監控以前所未有的方式掌握人類

這一切不只來自中國，更來自美國矽谷與西雅圖

人性在監控下的扭曲及兩難，無所遁形

 

　　在新疆，高科技監控已經成為日常生活的一部分，大城市中監視器密布宛如「天網」，每隔兩百公尺就有一個檢查站，人們必須掃描身分證，通過依族群劃分的通道。另一端，螢幕中的人臉被以綠框或黃框鎖定，方框旁是人物的基本資料，綠框代表你是「還沒問題的人」，黃框則標示出你「需要被注意」。公安可以隨時要求你交出手機，檢查是否有「可疑」的聯繫紀錄，並強制安裝官方的監測APP。

 

　　中國政府之所以有如此強大監控系統，一方面是以全民健檢的名義，蒐集新疆兩千五百萬人的生物特徵，包含臉孔、虹膜、聲紋、血液、指紋和DNA。另一方面，從美國西雅圖及矽谷移植而來的科技，也成為國家監控的核心技術，不僅如此，自美國九一一事件以來的全球反恐論述，也正當化中國對伊斯蘭的壓制，即便政府宣稱對所有族群一視同仁，但只要造訪清真寺超過兩百次，就會被系統辨識為「預備犯」，穆斯林逐漸失去集體實踐宗教及文化的自由——再教育營，就是對新疆維吾爾族、哈薩克族、回族等族群進行強迫改造的具體例證。

 

　　戴倫・拜勒是全球最頂尖的維吾爾族社會與中國監控體系專家，他對新疆地區進行長達十年的研究，透過檢視官方文件及長期深入的訪談，揭露再教育營如何成為新疆的「日常」——超過一百五十萬維吾爾人被迫進入再教育營及其附屬的工廠。本書受訪者涵蓋全面，包含曾受拘禁的美國回族大學生、哈薩克族農夫、卡車司機，以及協助抓人的輔警、被迫於再教育營「教學」的老師，這些不同位置的人提供瞭解再教育營的多面視角。作者透過扎實的研究觀點與人物故事，呈現新疆再教育營的現況、中國的監控治理網絡，以及跨國的高科技產業關係。

 

　　中文版特別新增五篇文章：維吾爾學者艾賽提．蘇來曼（Eset Sulaiman）的導讀、維吾爾語言學家及詩人阿布都瓦力．阿尤普（Abduweli Ayup）的推薦序、本書海外簡體中文版翻譯小組推薦序、《真相製造》作者及國際新聞記者劉致昕對作者的專訪，以及戴倫・拜勒為臺灣讀者新寫的序。

 

國際讚譽

 

　　「新疆的中國移居者殖民主義所呈現的結構性種族主義，會讓人聯想到世界其他地區的種族主義；但是戴倫・拜勒記錄、分析了中國穆斯林少數族裔承受的新的、數位方式的種族化（racialization）——亦即透過龐大拘留營系統進行的『自動執行的種族化』（automated racialization）——如何將去人性化（dehumanization）的意義帶到截然不同的層面 。這本書怵目驚心、非常悲慘，但是又以滿懷同理心來細膩呈現受害者。任何人想要探討世界各地種族正義，這本書都是必讀之作。拜勒的書讓我們看到，中國的現實也正是全球的現實，當一個殖民政權遂行暴力，全世界都是幫凶。」——史書美（SHU-MEI SHIH），美國比較文學協會主席、美國加州大學洛杉磯分校（UCLA）愛德華・薩依德比較文學講座教授。

 

　　「無論中國政府如何否認，真相就是如此。戴倫・拜勒這本書取材豐富，不僅描述中國的穆斯林族群裔只因為奉行宗教信仰就會被關進再教育營，也呈現了再教育營牆外的穆斯林如何被電子與人力監控的網羅剝奪自由。這本書以真人實事為基礎，既引人入勝也令人恐懼，記錄了今日全世界最惡劣的踐踏人權事件。」——黎安友（ANDREW J. NATHAN），美國哥倫比亞大學一九一九年班講座政治學教授。

 

　　「對於一項往往籠罩在民族主義與恐中情結（Sinophobia）的論述，《新疆再教育營》提供了迫切而深具人性的切入方式。戴倫・拜勒一方面毫不避諱地呈現中國政府對新疆穆斯林犯下的恐伊斯蘭（Islamophobic）人權踐踏，一方面突顯這些作法取材自吾人熟悉的移居者殖民主義思維：將『他者』（others）種族化之後，就可以肆意剝削與傷害。」——梅瑞迪思・惠特克（MEREDITH WHITTAKER），美國紐約大學（NYU）明德魯基金會研究教授、今日人工智慧學院（AI Now Institute）院長。

 

　　「本書最重要的貢獻是訪談受到新疆國家安全機制衝擊的維吾爾人，不僅如此，戴倫・拜勒更縝密呈現了矽谷（Silicon Valley）企業——特別是微軟（Microsoft）——對於建構此一機制扮演不可或缺的角色。」——傑克．鮑爾森（JACK POULSON），科技調查（Tech Inquiry）執行長

 

　　「『中國政府』與『監控』的結合，已經成為當今科技去人性化威權主義暴政的代表，這樣公平嗎？《新疆再教育營》是戴倫・拜勒勇敢而鞭辟入裡的研究著作，讀來令人毛骨悚然，就連熟知歷史、見怪不怪的讀者，都會震驚於作者描繪的控制系統竟有如此的規模、強度與極端粗暴。拜勒不厭其詳呈現這個系統的細節，在新疆已然常態化，在世界其他地方卻已被遺忘。」——伊凡・塞林傑（EVAN SELINGER），美國羅徹斯特理工學院哲學教授。

The meeting of the Russian and Qing empires in the nineteenth century had dramatic consequences for Central Asia’s Muslim communities. Along this frontier, a new political space emerged, shaped by competing imperial and spiritual loyalties, cross-border economic and social ties, and the revolutions that engulfed Russia and China in the early twentieth century. David Brophy explores how a community of Central Asian Muslims responded to these historic changes by reinventing themselves as the modern Uyghur nation.

As exiles and émigrés, traders and seasonal laborers, a diverse diaspora of Muslims from China’s northwest province of Xinjiang spread to Russian territory, where they became enmeshed in political and intellectual currents among Russia’s Muslims. From the many national and transnational discourses of identity that circulated in this mixed community, the rhetoric of Uyghur nationhood emerged as a rallying point in the tumult of the Bolshevik Revolution and Russian Civil War. Working both with and against Soviet policy, a shifting alliance of constituencies invoked the idea of a Uyghur nation to secure a place for itself in Soviet Central Asia and to spread the revolution to Xinjiang. Although its existence was contested in the fractious politics of the 1920s, in the 1930s the Uyghur nation achieved official recognition in the Soviet Union and China.

Grounded in a wealth of little-known archives from across Eurasia, Uyghur Nation offers a bottom-up perspective on nation-building in the Soviet Union and China and provides crucial background to the ongoing contest for the history and identity of Xinjiang.

For more than half a century many Uyghurs, members of a Muslim minority in northwestern China, have sought to achieve greater autonomy or outright independence. Yet the Chinese government has consistently resisted these efforts, countering with repression and a sophisticated strategy of state-sanctioned propaganda emphasizing interethnic harmony and Chinese nationalism. After decades of struggle, Uyghurs remain passionate about establishing and expanding their power within government, and China's leaders continue to push back, refusing to concede any physical or political ground.
Beginning with the history of Xinjiang and its unique population of Chinese Muslims, Gardner Bovingdon follows fifty years of Uyghur discontent, particularly the development of individual and collective acts of resistance since 1949, as well as the role of various transnational organizations in cultivating dissent. Bovingdon's work provides fresh insight into the practices of nation building and nation challenging, not only in relation to Xinjiang but also in reference to other regions of conflict. His work highlights the influence of international institutions on growing regional autonomy and underscores the role of representation in nationalist politics, as well as the local, regional, and global implications of the "war on terror" on antistate movements. While both the Chinese state and foreign analysts have portrayed Uyghur activists as Muslim terrorists, situating them within global terrorist networks, Bovingdon argues that these assumptions are flawed, drawing a clear line between Islamist ideology and Uyghur nationhood.

How China is using the US-led war on terror to erase the cultural identity of its Muslim minority in the Xinjiang region



Within weeks of the September 11 attacks on New York and Washington, the Chinese government warned that it faced a serious terrorist threat from its Uyghur ethnic minority, who are largely Muslim. In this explosive book, Sean Roberts reveals how China has been using the US-led global war on terror as international cover for its increasingly brutal suppression of the Uyghurs, and how the war's targeting of an undefined enemy has emboldened states around the globe to persecute ethnic minorities and severely repress domestic opposition in the name of combatting terrorism.

Of the eleven million Uyghurs living in China today, more than one million are now being held in so-called reeducation camps, victims of what has become the largest program of mass detention and surveillance in the world. Roberts describes how the Chinese government successfully implicated the Uyghurs in the global terror war--despite a complete lack of evidence--and branded them as a dangerous terrorist threat with links to al-Qaeda. He argues that the reframing of Uyghur domestic dissent as international terrorism provided justification and inspiration for a systematic campaign to erase Uyghur identity, and that a nominal Uyghur militant threat only emerged after more than a decade of Chinese suppression in the name of counterterrorism--which has served to justify further state repression.

A gripping and moving account of the humanitarian catastrophe that China does not want you to know about, The War on the Uyghurs draws on Roberts's own in-depth interviews with the Uyghurs, enabling their voices to be heard.

For 250 years, the Turkic Muslims of Altishahr the vast desert region to the northwest of Tibet have led an uneasy existence under Chinese rule. Today they call themselves Uyghurs, and they have cultivated a sense of history and identity that challenges Beijing s official national narrative. Rian Thum argues that the roots of this history run deeper than recent conflicts, to a time when manuscripts and pilgrimage dominated understandings of the past. Beyond broadening our knowledge of tensions between the Uyghurs and the Chinese government, this meditation on the very concept of history probes the limits of human interaction with the past.<br /><br />Uyghur historical practice emerged from the circulation of books and people during the Qing Dynasty, when crowds of pilgrims listened to history readings at the tombs of Islamic saints. Over time, amid long journeys and moving rituals, at oasis markets and desert shrines, ordinary readers adapted community-authored manuscripts to their own needs. In the process they created a window into a forgotten Islam, shaped by the veneration of local saints.<br /><br />Partly insulated from the rest of the Islamic world, the Uyghurs constructed a local history that is at once unique and assimilates elements of Semitic, Iranic, Turkic, and Indic traditions the cultural imports of Silk Road travelers. Through both ethnographic and historical analysis, "The Sacred Routes of Uyghur History" offers a new understanding of Uyghur historical practices, detailing the remarkable means by which this people reckons with its past and confronts its nationalist aspirations in the present day."

This study explores Chinese language policy and language use in Inner Asia, as well as the relation of language policy to the politics of Uyghur identity. Language is central to ethnic identity, and official language policies are often overlooked as critical factors in conflict over ethnic nationalism. In Chinese Inner Asia, any solution to ethnic conflict will include real linguistic and cultural autonomy for major ethnic groups. Language policy has been at the heart of Chinese nation building. Shortly after the inception of the People's Republic of China (PRC), language policy in China's border regions was responsive to local conditions and arguably one of the more flexible in the world. In the last 15 years, however, although China's official language policy has remained constant, its covert language policy has become increasingly assimilative, and tied to geopolitical considerations. This trend has been particularly salient in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR), where multilingualism and cultural pluralism have been progressively curtailed. This has served to reinforce both Uyghur nationalism and small separatist movements, with potential to undermine the territorial integrity of the PRC and the Chinese effort to build a modern Chinese nation. This study argues that both Beijing and Washington are about to lose crucial political opportunities in this far-flung territory. The PRC should realize that supporting the maintenance of Uyghur language and identity is not antithetical to the Chinese goal of nation building. In fact, it would ultimately support that goal: The United States, for its part, should make clear to Beijing that current U.S. political imperatives will not distract U.S. policy from supporting human rights, including cultural rights, and seek to cultivate a cooperative partnership with China, including the Uyghurs.

Against the background of the Ürümchi riots (July 2009), this book provides a longitudinal study of contemporary Uyghur identities and Uyghur-Han relations. Previous studies considered China’s Uyghurs from the perspective of the majority Han (state or people). Conversely, The Art of Symbolic Resistance considers Uyghur identities from a local perspective, based on interviews conducted with group members over nearly twenty years. Smith Finley rejects assertions that the Uyghur ethnic group is a ‘creation of the Chinese state’, suggesting that contemporary Uyghur identities involve a complex interplay between long-standing intra-group socio-cultural commonalities and a more recently evolved sense of common enmity towards the Han. This book advances the discipline in three senses: from a focus on sporadic violent opposition to one on everyday symbolic resistance; from state to ‘local’ representations; and from a conceptualisation of Uyghurs as ‘victim’ to one of ‘creative agent’.

In an unprecedented exploration of space and power in rural Xinjiang, a Chinese region home to the Muslim population of the Uyghurs, this book adopts a grounded theory approach and a trans-ethnic perspective into the complex and sensitive topic of land issues and agricultural land evictions in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. By exposing the dynamics of land acquisition and power building in the politically contested space of the region, the author shows how state owned land in a key commercial and cultural hub on the new Silk Road became a commodity, in a context of violent human interactions driven by power. Relying on previously undisclosed material and on a unique field research among farmers and local authorities, the author retraces the steps of Uyghur peasant workers, entangled in a suspended situation between abandoned rural villages, migration and urban alienation, in a book which explores agency in violent processes of social change, and adds concepts and insights to the current knowledge of how we become modern citizens. The microcosm of Kashgar, an oasis-city in Xinjiang, acts as a mirror reflecting socio political dynamics framing people’s identity. Shedding light on one of the most inaccessible region in China, this book is a key read for academics and a broader public willing to get a clearer view of one of the sourest power struggle in the most contested region within the next superpower.

WINNER – 2020 Central Eurasian Studies Society's CESS Book Award
This is the first book-length study of graduates from the Xinjiang Class, a program that funds senior high school–aged students from Xinjiang, mostly ethnic Uyghur, to attend a four-year course in predominately Han-populated cities in eastern and coastal China. Based on longitudinal field research, Negotiating Inseparability in China: The Xinjiang Class and the Dynamics of Uyghur Identity offers a detailed picture of the multilayered identities of contemporary Uyghur youth and an assessment of the effectiveness of this program in meeting its political goals. The experiences of Xinjiang Class graduates reveal how young, educated Uyghurs strategically and selectively embrace elements of the corporate Chinese Zhonghua minzu identity in order to stretch the boundaries of a nonstate-defined Uyghur identity. Timothy Grose also argues that the impositions of Chinese Mandarin and secular Chinese Communist Party (CCP) values over ethnic minority languages and religion, and physically displacing young Uyghurs from their neighborhood and cultural environment do not lead to ethnic assimilation, as the CCP apparently expects. Despite pressure from state authorities to urge Xinjiang Class graduates to return after their formal education, the majority of the graduates choose to remain in inner China or to use their Xinjiang Class education as a springboard to seek global citizenship based upon membership in a transnational Islamic community. For those who return to Xinjiang, contrary to the political goal of the program, few intend to serve the CCP, their country, or even their hometown. Instead, their homecomings are marred by disappointment, frustration, and discontent.
“This study demonstrates persuasively that the Chinese state’s attempts to produce—via delivery of a monolingual ‘Xinjiang Class’ education in inner China—a cohort of Chinese-speaking, Sinicized, secularized, and politically reliable Uyghurs, who will then return to Xinjiang to persuade other Uyghurs to support the Chinese Communist Party line, have had mixed results at best, and at worst constitute a failure.” —Joanne Smith Finley, Newcastle University
“This book provides a window into the agency of the Uyghur subjects of the Chinese state-building project. The author’s sustained fieldwork in Xinjiang and efforts to reconnect with Uyghur interlocutors multiple times offer an unprecedented glimpse into how members of the Xinjiang class attempt to negotiate between the state’s objective of producing an educated and loyal Uyghur cohort and their own political, social, and cultural identities and imperatives.” —Michael Clarke, Australian National University

以往對東突厥斯坦獨立運動的研究，由於意識形態限制、資料匱乏、語言障礙等原因，往往局限於單一的民族視角，或簡單概論性的敘述模式。本書首次對東突厥斯坦獨立運動進行了理性、嚴肅且深入的學術研究。日文版自1995年出版後，被公認為迄今為止關於東突厥斯坦獨立運動最權威的研究著作。本書在日文版基礎上經過了大幅度的充實及修訂，增補了追究歷史淵源的章節，加入作者新近的研究成果，推進了思考的深度和廣度。在新疆問題日益突出的今天，提供了極有價值的參考。 本書尤其難得的是涵蓋了眾多珍貴的一手史料：作者遍覽東突厥斯坦共和國領導人的談話、文章、信件等數百件重要文獻，收集了大量運動當事人的日記、回憶錄，日本美國的外交資料等，採訪了與共和國領導層關係密切的少數民族人士。在史料的基礎上，作者從伊斯蘭民族社會結構、民族革命思想的起源與質變、獨立運動的內部結構和共和國的權力構造、國際關係和國際政治等方面，多角度地呈現與分析了東突厥斯坦獨立運動的政治過程和性質。研究深入獨立運動內部，層層爬梳，嚴謹推度，一步步揭示出在以往宏大敘事的遮蔽之下，一段迷離撲朔的歷史。

「他們」，
被迫成為「中國人」。
◎「新疆」，如何「被」成為「中國」的一部分？
地圖上的「新疆」，意思其實是「新的疆域」。是什麼時候新增的疆域？又是怎麼來的？她的另一個名字：「東突厥斯坦」，為什麼在中國是個禁忌？
事實上，要談新疆問題──不管是發生在新疆的各種暴力事件，或是疆獨問題、甚至是新疆的認同問題，都應該從「新疆」這個名字開始。這個宗教、文字與信仰都與普遍認定的「中國」大不相同的地方，從什麼時候、以什麼樣的方式開始，「被」成為「中國」的一部分？而又是什麼樣的契機，讓這個「新的疆域」走向分歧與動亂之路？
本書作者尼克・霍史達克（Nick Holdstock）在新疆遊歷十五年之久，可說親自見證在既存的文化差異下，中國政府如何親手製造出極端主義者，以及造成如今新疆本地的動盪，以及與內地漢人的衝突與歧見。
◎中國如何親手製造出極端主義份子？
居住在新疆的維吾爾人，其實不管是在文化、宗教與語言上都與中國內地的漢人有不容忽視的差異。在這樣的差異下，不論是在交流或溝通上都難免會產生齟齬。然而，面對這樣的差異，中國政府卻是以「同化」為前提，企圖達到「維穩」的效果。
因此，即使中國政府一再強調對維吾爾人的照顧，但霍史達克仍觀察到中國政府抹去維吾爾民族色彩的軌跡。文化大革命時，紅衛兵強迫穆斯林羞辱自己的宗教──包括把豬養在聖陵內。他們破壞清真寺，燒毀古蘭經。改革開放後，中國表面上大力保護穆斯林的文化，但在「去維吾爾」化的腳步卻越來越快；包括大量移入漢人、透過義務教育漸次以漢語取代維吾爾語。後者被看做是從根本抹去維族文化的手段之一；而在結合前者，讓漢人勢力在新疆逐漸站到經濟上的優勢後，許多的維吾爾年輕人因為無法在家鄉享受到經濟成長的果實，只好離開故鄉到中國內地謀生。而在投入一個陌生環境後必須面對的劣勢，則讓一部分人淪為中國內地人民口中的「維族小偷」、「新疆團夥」，甚至成為一個族群印記。
霍史達克在書中詳細描述：中國為了統治與維持局勢穩定而採行的多項政策如何造成衝突，這些衝突又如何演化為民怨；中國政府因此加強對新疆的諸多管制，這些管制則同步激化民怨。而在連番衝突下，漢人與維吾爾人如何走向彼此分岐與仇視之路；這些衝突、憤怒與仇視在日後成為極端主義者的溫床，也可說是一部分維吾爾人從被壓迫的少數民族，轉變為極端主義者的起點。
◎中國的新疆政策，該是台灣的借鏡嗎？
早在胡耀邦時期，中國便因為土耳其的插手而恐懼「將新疆拱手讓給土耳其」；而維吾爾的極端主義者多次引發的動亂，不但讓中國政府派重兵進駐新疆，更讓中國政府與美國站在同一陣線，將東突厥斯坦伊斯蘭運動視作恐怖組織。在這樣的前提下，針對維吾爾人對政治上的不公所採取的反擊──即使是社會案件──中國政府的因應之道是：更加強對新疆的管制。
中國從來沒有緩解像這樣衝突、民怨與分歧的機會嗎？胡耀邦曾經想為此努力過，卻被指稱為賣國。對「新疆可能獨立」與「外國勢力可能進入新疆」的恐懼，讓中國採取最激烈的統治手段。未來會有好轉的機會嗎？對此，在新疆遊歷了十五年的霍史達克並沒有抱太大的希望。他對此抱持悲觀的理由，或許也該是台灣的借鏡。