This book argues that Western class categories do not directly apply to China and that the new Chinese middle class is distinguished more by socio-cultural rather than by economic factors. Based upon qualitative interviews done in Guangdong in South China, the study looks at entrepreneurs, professionals, and regional party cadres from various age groups, showing the complex networks among these different groups and the continuing significance of cadres. The study also explores generational differences, exposing how older generations are pragmatic and business-oriented, rather than personally oriented in their consumption whereas the younger generations appear more flexible and hedonistic and tend to be more individualistic, materialistic and oriented towards personal gain. In neither older or younger generations is there much evidence that the new Chinese middle class is taking on a political role in advocating political reform alongside market reforms as is suggested by some Western stratification theorists. Despite being in the vanguard of consumption, they are the laggards in politics.

赫胥黎在《美丽新世界》中描述的那个国家是不需要有国民教育的，因为那里的国民在出生之前就已经培育好了。那些是一种基因教育。美国作家Lois Lowry的《记忆传授人》描绘了另一种离线更多国民教育，每一个儿童自出生的那一天开始，每个家庭都是按国家计划的模式组成的。于是 ，每个人都在适合他的位置上成为安分守己的国民。
教育是一个美好的字眼，教育是人类 的一种像饮食一样自然的需要，《诗》曰：饮之食之，教之诲之。教育是为了让人明白道理，不是为了让统治者能更方便、更随心所欲地统治他们。
现代的国民教育，当它是民主的公民教育时，可以帮助人民变得更加智慧，更有自我治理能力。然而，当它是专制通知的臣民教育时，它却使人民变得愚昧、顺从。我们关注关注国民教育，期待第一种，警惕第二种。