一九一七年的俄國革命是二十世紀政治史上一個重要的事件，在震撼世界的十天裡，為世界帶來一連串的騷亂與迴響。俄國革命所釋放的能量，至今仍直接或間接地影響整個世界政治的運轉。
本書主要在探索這場革命發生的原因以及過程。從一八六一年解放農奴開始，一直到一九一七年冬天布爾什維克黨取得政權，建立蘇維埃政府為止。解放農奴的法案通過後，俄帝國緊接著行政組織的改革，但多數法案卻含糊且矛盾。改革產生了新的社會、政治與思想的活力，但這些力量卻與當下的沙皇體制捍恪。於是人民的力量在壓縮許久後爆發，終促成了俄國人民的革命….

From the eighteenth century until its collapse in 1917, Imperial Russia -- as distinct from Muscovite Russia before it and Soviet Russia after it -- officially held that the Russian nation consisted of three branches: Great Russian, Little Russian (Ukrainian), and White Russian (Belarusian). After the 1917 revolution, this view was discredited by many leading scholars, politicians, and cultural figures, but none were more intimately involved in the dismantling of the old imperial identity and its historical narrative than the eminent Ukrainian historian Mykhailo Hrushevsky (1866--1934).Hrushevsky took an active part in the work of Ukrainian scholarly, cultural, and political organizations and became the first head of the independent Ukrainian state in 1918. Serhii Plokhy's Unmaking Imperial Russia examines Hrushevsky's construction of a new historical paradigm that brought about the nationalization of the Ukrainian past and established Ukrainian history as a separate field of study. By showing how the 'all-Russian' historical paradigm was challenged by the Ukrainian national project, Plokhy provides the indispensable background for understanding the current state of relations between Ukraine and Russia.

A magnificent new biography that revolutionizes our understanding of Stalin and his world
It has the quality of myth: a poor cobbler’s son, a seminarian from an oppressed outer province of the Russian empire, reinvents himself as a top leader in a band of revolutionary zealots. When the band seizes control of the country in the aftermath of total world war, the former seminarian ruthlessly dominates the new regime until he stands as absolute ruler of a vast and terrible state apparatus, with dominion over Eurasia. While still building his power base within the Bolshevik dictatorship, he embarks upon the greatest gamble of his political life and the largest program of social reengineering ever attempted: the collectivization of all agriculture and industry across one sixth of the earth. Millions will die, and many more millions will suffer, but the man will push through to the end against all resistance and doubts.
Where did such power come from? In Stalin, Stephen Kotkin offers a biography that, at long last, is equal to this shrewd, sociopathic, charismatic dictator in all his dimensions. The character of Stalin emerges as both astute and blinkered, cynical and true believing, people oriented and vicious, canny enough to see through people but prone to nonsensical beliefs. We see a man inclined to despotism who could be utterly charming, a pragmatic ideologue, a leader who obsessed over slights yet was a precocious geostrategic thinker—unique among Bolsheviks—and yet who made egregious strategic blunders. Through it all, we see Stalin’s unflinching persistence, his sheer force of will—perhaps the ultimate key to understanding his indelible mark on history.
Stalin gives an intimate view of the Bolshevik regime’s inner geography of power, bringing to the fore fresh materials from Soviet military intelligence and the secret police. Kotkin rejects the inherited wisdom about Stalin’s psychological makeup, showing us instead how Stalin’s near paranoia was fundamentally political, and closely tracks the Bolshevik revolution’s structural paranoia, the predicament of a Communist regime in an overwhelmingly capitalist world, surrounded and penetrated by enemies. At the same time, Kotkin demonstrates the impossibility of understanding Stalin’s momentous decisions outside of the context of the tragic history of imperial Russia.
The product of a decade of intrepid research, Stalin is a landmark achievement, a work that recasts the way we think about the Soviet Union, revolution, dictatorship, the twentieth century, and indeed the art of history itself.

How does the excessive bureaucratization of central planning affect politics in communist countries? Mark Beissinger suggests an answer through this history of the Soviet Scientific Management movement and its contemporary descendants, raising at the same time broader questions about the political consequences of economic systems.
Beissinger traces the rise and decline of administrative strategies throughout Soviet history, focusing on the roles of managerial technique and disciplinary coercion. He argues that over-bureaucratization leads to a succession of national crises of effectiveness, which political leaders use to challenge the power of entrenched elites and to consolidate their rule. It also encourages leaders to resort to radical administrative strategies—technocratic utopias, mass mobilization, and discipline campaigns—and gives rise to a cycling syndrome, as similar problems and solutions reappear over time. Beissinger gives a new perspective and interpretation of Soviet history through the prism of organizational theory. He also provides a comprehensive history of the Soviet rationalization movement from Lenin to Gorbachev that describes the recurring attractions and tensions between politicians and management experts, as well as the reception accorded Western management techniques in the Soviet factory and management-training classroom.
Beissinger uses a number of unusual sources: the personal archive of Aleksei Gastev, the foremost Soviet Taylorist of the 1920s; published Soviet archival documents; unpublished Soviet government documents and dissertations on management science and executive training; interviews with Soviet management scientists; and the author’s personal observations of managers attending a three-month executive training program in the Soviet Union. Beissinger’s skillful handling of this singular material will attract the attention of political scientists, historians, and economists, especially those working in Soviet studies.

Beginning in the 1920s thousands of Chinese revolutionaries set out for Soviet Russia. Once there, they studied Russian language and experienced Soviet communism, but many also fell in love, got married, or had children. In this they were similar to other people from all over the world who were enchanted by the Russian Revolution and lured to Moscow by it.
The Chinese who traveled to live and study in Moscow in a steady stream over the course of decades were a key human interface between the two revolutions, and their stories show the emotional investment backing ideological, economic, and political change. They embodied an attraction strong enough to be felt by young people in their provincial hometowns, strong enough to pull them across Siberia to a place that had previously held no interest at all. After the Revolution, the Chinese went home, fought a war, and then, in the 1950s, carried out a revolution that was and still is the Soviet Union's most geopolitically significant legacy. They also sent their children to study in Moscow and passed on their affinities to millions of Chinese, who read Russia's novels, watched its movies, and learned its songs. Russian culture was woven into the memories of an entire generation that came of age in the 1950s - a connection that has outlasted not just the Chinese Cultural Revolution and the collapse of the Soviet Union, but also the subsequent erosion of socialist values and practices. This multi-generational personal experience has given China's relationship with Russia an emotional complexity and cultural depth that were lacking before the advent of twentieth century communism - and have survived its demise. If the Chinese eventually helped to lead a revolution that resembled Russia's in remarkable ways, it was not only because class struggle intensified in China due to international imperialism as Lenin had predicted it would, or because Bolsheviks arrived in China to ensure that it did. It was also because as young people, they had been captivated by the potential of the Russian Revolution to help them to become new people and to create a new China.
This richly crafted and narrated book uses the metaphor of a life-long romance to tell a new story about the relationship between Russia and China. These lives were marked by an emotional engagement that often took the form of a romance: love affairs, marriages, divorces, and

保罗·曼科苏教授通过在欧洲、美国和南美洲多数档案馆的寻访和调查，呈现了在历史和文学传播双重语境下《日瓦戈医生》在欧洲和南美洲的出版史，其中包括大量首次引用的材料和作者亲自收集的所有五六十年代各种语言版本的《日瓦戈医生》封面。本书在斯坦福大学召开的“帕斯捷尔纳克、他的家族和他的小说”国际学术研讨会上作为主题活动发布，受到与会帕斯捷尔纳克专家的一致好评。

勃列日涅夫去世多年之后，人们对他的了解依然太少。一些人认为，勃列日涅夫是一个好不中用的领导人，他把国家引导衰亡；另一些人则相信，其他任何一个人处在他的地位，都只会给国家带来更大的不幸，而他并不暴虐，信奉一条原则：你活，也要让别人活；第三类人认为，他比后来那些葬送了一个伟大国家的继承者要好得多。 勃列日涅夫去世之后数年，苏联开始崩溃。究竟是 勃列日涅夫时代导致了这种崩溃，还是继承者们滥用了他们所得到的东西？
本书像一幕史诗大剧，赫鲁晓夫时代和 勃列日涅夫时代的高层政要悉数登场，俄罗斯时代政治舞台上的重要人物叶利钦、谢瓦尔德纳泽、雷日科夫、普京等，也有重要表现。一幕幕活剧给读者带来前苏联由“升平”到衰败的真相和启发。

作者以统计资料为基础，全面分析俄国农业的演变历程，深入探讨不同经济社会条件下国家调节粮食市场的可能性和手段，以及向战时共产主义政策的过渡等若干问题。本书从学术价值看，粮食市场及其调节始终是世界经济的主要问题之一，同时战争和革命时期俄国调节粮食市场的政策又富有其自身的特点；就理论价值而言，本书着眼于从经济角度剖析非常时期国家调节军队和居民粮食供给的手段，涉及市场调节方式、价格形成过程、供求关系等重要经济理论。

*英国科斯塔图书奖、法兰西学院奖、美国《洛杉矶时报》图书奖等国际大奖获奖作品！
*《纽约时报》《独立报》《泰晤士报》《观察家报》《星期天泰晤士报》《每日电讯报》《标准晚报》等国际知名媒体年度好书！
*历时10年，走访9个国家23座城市，掌握最新披露的权威档案，以详尽的研究、动人的叙事重述斯大林的鲜为人知的成长历程，还原一部前苏联的史前史。
*国内第一本讲述“青年”斯大林的著作，是理解斯大林以及前苏联历史的绕不开的路径、绝佳的选择。
*“没有哪个历史学家能像蒙蒂菲奥里那样把我们领向斯大林的内心深处。”（《洛杉矶时报》）美国前国务卿基辛格读后，推荐说：“对斯大林，我本以为了解得足够充分，但我错了。”
《耶路撒冷三千年》的作者蒙蒂菲奥里历时10年，走访9个国家23座城市，掌握最新披露的权威档案，重述斯大林如何从鞋匠的儿子最终成为列宁的左右手这一鲜为人知的成长历程，还原一部前苏联的史前史。
斯大林是修鞋匠的儿子，有溺爱自己的母亲，以及给他带来童年阴影的父亲；他是神学院的学生，学习成绩非常优秀；他是诗人，有着俊美的面容、忧郁的表情，深受女孩子喜欢，因此有过诸多的情人；他是西伯利亚流放者，是“逃跑大师”，多次从监狱和流放地逃脱……
蒙蒂菲奥里在《青年斯大林》这本权威著作中，以详尽的研究、一系列全新的第一手资料，和仿若狄更斯附体一般的叙事技巧，跌宕起伏地讲述了一个多面、矛盾的斯大林形象。
本书出版后，荣获英、美、法、奥地利等各国大奖，入选《纽约时报》《泰晤士报》等超过10家媒体的年度好书，是理解斯大林、苏联历史的绝佳途径。

这是一部对苏联解体原因及当代俄国改革进程进行全面深入的文化审视和系统分析 的著作。
作者从理论上对意识操纵的理论和方法详细而深入的论述。具有较高学术价值。
意识操纵是对社会的“文化核心”的人侵。