本书是宣传概念的历史，也是宣传观念的历史。为了回答什么是宣传、它为什么会存在、大众为什么会容忍宣传等问题，本书追溯了第一次世界大战中宣传概念的产生、美国20世纪初宣传与民主的争论、俄国革命的宣传观念、第二次世界大战中的宣传观念、20世纪后期的新宣传等宣传观念发展的重要环节，并以此为背景，重点研究了中国宣传观念的产生和建立、宣传与革命、知识分子与宣传、从宣传1.0到宣传3.0的升级、宣传与粉丝民族主义等问题。

The authors of this timely and provocative book use the tools of economic analysis to examine the formation and change of political borders. They argue that while these issues have always been at the core of historical analysis, international economists have tended to regard the size of a country as "exogenous," or no more subject to explanation than the location of a mountain range or the course of a river. Alesina and Spolaore consider a country's borders to be subject to the same analysis as any other man-made institution. In The Size of Nations, they argue that the optimal size of a country is determined by a cost-benefit trade-off between the benefits of size and the costs of heterogeneity. In a large country, per capita costs may be low, but the heterogeneous preferences of a large population make it hard to deliver services and formulate policy. Smaller countries may find it easier to respond to citizen preferences in a democratic way.<br /> <br /> Alesina and Spolaore substantiate their analysis with simple analytical models that show how the patterns of globalization, international conflict, and democratization of the last two hundred years can explain patterns of state formation. Their aim is not only "normative" but also "positive" -- that is, not only to compute the optimal size of a state in theory but also to explain the phenomenon of country size in reality. They argue that the complexity of real world conditions does not preclude a systematic analysis, and that such an analysis, synthesizing economics, political science, and history, can help us understand real world events.

How does the excessive bureaucratization of central planning affect politics in communist countries? Mark Beissinger suggests an answer through this history of the Soviet Scientific Management movement and its contemporary descendants, raising at the same time broader questions about the political consequences of economic systems.
Beissinger traces the rise and decline of administrative strategies throughout Soviet history, focusing on the roles of managerial technique and disciplinary coercion. He argues that over-bureaucratization leads to a succession of national crises of effectiveness, which political leaders use to challenge the power of entrenched elites and to consolidate their rule. It also encourages leaders to resort to radical administrative strategies—technocratic utopias, mass mobilization, and discipline campaigns—and gives rise to a cycling syndrome, as similar problems and solutions reappear over time. Beissinger gives a new perspective and interpretation of Soviet history through the prism of organizational theory. He also provides a comprehensive history of the Soviet rationalization movement from Lenin to Gorbachev that describes the recurring attractions and tensions between politicians and management experts, as well as the reception accorded Western management techniques in the Soviet factory and management-training classroom.
Beissinger uses a number of unusual sources: the personal archive of Aleksei Gastev, the foremost Soviet Taylorist of the 1920s; published Soviet archival documents; unpublished Soviet government documents and dissertations on management science and executive training; interviews with Soviet management scientists; and the author’s personal observations of managers attending a three-month executive training program in the Soviet Union. Beissinger’s skillful handling of this singular material will attract the attention of political scientists, historians, and economists, especially those working in Soviet studies.

This book is about governmental change in America. It examines the reconstruction of institutional power relationships that had to be negotiated among the courts, the parties, the president, the Congress and the states in order to accommodate the expansion of national administrative capacities around the turn of the twentieth century. Stephen Skowronek argues that new institutional forms and procedures do not arise reflexively or automatically in response to environmental demands on government, but must be extorted through political and institutional struggles that are rooted in and mediated by pre-established governing arrangements. As the first full-scale historical treatment of the development of American national administration, this book will provide a useful textbook for public administration courses.

The Ideological Origins of the British Empire presents a comprehensive history of British conceptions of empire for more than half a century. David Armitage traces the emergence of British imperial identity from the mid-sixteenth to the mid-eighteenth centuries, using a full range of manuscript and printed sources. By linking the histories of England, Scotland and Ireland with the history of the British Empire, he demonstrates the importance of ideology as an essential linking between the processes of state-formation and empire-building. This book sheds light on major British political thinkers, from Sir Thomas Smith to David Hume, by providing fascinating accounts of the 'British problem' in the early modern period, of the relationship between Protestantism and empire, of theories of property, liberty and political economy in imperial perspective, and of the imperial contribution to the emergence of British 'identities' in the Atlantic world.

Since its original publication fifteen years ago, this hugely influential book has been at the centre of much debate. The arguments and controversies it has been aroused are, furthermore, far from abating: the disintegration of the Soviet bloc, the emergence of new social and political identities linked to the transformation of late capitalism, and the crisis of a left-wing project whose essentialist underpinnings have increasingly come under fire have, if anything, made more relevant than ever the theoretical perspective that the book proposes. Moreover the political project of 'radical and plural democracy' that it advocates provides a much-needed antidote to the attempts to formulate a Third Way capable of overcoming the classical opposition between Left and Right. Updated with a new preface, this is a fundamental text for understanding the workings of hegemony and grasping the nature of contemporary social struggle and their significance for democratic theory.

科举制度的废除、新式学校的建立，不仅是中国教育制度史上的巨变，而且直接牵动着政与学的关系在中国现代社会的重构。本书通过三个不同类型的个案考察，展示了从1895年到1926年的三十年间，新教育场域逐渐兴起的艰难历程。
三个个案分别为：1895—1913年，科举被废除前后，湖南省新式学堂逐步取代原有“士绅惯习”的进程；1917—1923年，蔡元培任北大校长期间，努力为北大塑造“科学的精神实质”，试图建立自外于政治的“学术社会”，书中对此做了颇具新意的社会史分析；1921—1926年，在江西，新式学校里培养了一大批追求进步的青年学生，从中可以看出，中国共产党早期组织的形成和发展是嵌入在民国教育和政治格局中的。
以上三个专题，成为上中下三篇，具有内在的关联性。书中所说的“新教育场域”，其实是“五四运动”时代老师辈和学生辈的两代人，从三个个案可见，当年大学与中学教育的变化走向，取决于清末民初的政治场域和局势变化。本书通过三个关键片段，对新教育在中国产生、早期发展的艰难过程给予深入研讨，运用社会史的方法进入中国近代社会，揭示了以往近代史研究往往不能观察到的侧面。

Weapons of the Weak is an ethnography by James C. Scott that studies the effects of the Green Revolution in rural Malaysia. One of the main objectives of the study is to make an argument that the Marxian and Gramscian ideas of false consciousness and hegemony are incorrect. He develops this conclusion throughout the book, through the different scenarios and characters that come up during his time of fieldwork in the village. This publication, based on 2 years of fieldwork (1978-1980), focuses on the local class relations in a small rice farming community of 70 households in the main paddy-growing area of Kedah in Malaysia. Introduction of the Green Revolution in 1976 eliminated 2/3 of the wage-earning opportunities for smallholders and landless laborers. The main ensuing class struggle is analyzed being the ideological struggle in the village and the practice of resistance itself consisting of: foot-dragging, dissimulation, desertion, false compliance, pilfering, feigned ignorance and sabotage acts. Rich and poor are engaged in an unremitting if silent struggle to define changes in land tenure, mechanization and employment to advance their own interests, and to use values that they share to control the distribution of status, land, work and grain.

This 2002 study examines the process by which the seemingly impossible in 1987 - the disintegration of the Soviet state - became the seemingly inevitable by 1991, providing an original interpretation not only of the Soviet collapse, but also of the phenomenon of nationalism more generally. Probing the role of nationalist action as both cause and effect, Beissinger utilizes data and case studies from across the USSR during its final years to elicit the shifting relationship between pre-existing structural conditions, institutional constraints, and event-generated influences in the nationalist explosions that brought about the collapse of the Soviet Union. As Beissinger demonstrates, the 'tidal' context of nationalism - i.e., the transnational influence of one nationalism upon another - is critical to an explanation of the success and failure of particular nationalisms, why some nationalisms turn violent, and how a crescendo of events can overwhelm states, periodically evoking large-scale structural change in the character of the state system.

Written at a time when furious arguments were raging about the best way to govern America, "The Federalist Papers" had the immediate practical aim of persuading New Yorkers to accept the newly drafted Constitution in 1787. In this they were supremely successful, but their influence also transcended contemporary debate to win them a lasting place in discussions of American political theory. Acclaimed by Thomas Jefferson as 'the best commentary on the principles of government which ever was written', "The Federalist Papers" make a powerful case for power-sharing between State and Federal authorities and for a Constitution that has endured largely unchanged for two hundred years.

中國中古時期的「封建」，與西周的「封建」，乃至於現代認知的封建，實為不同的概念；本書對於魏晉南北朝的封建制度與政治秩序，有深入的分析與探討。
本書以爵制為研究重心，探討中國中古時期封建的意涵，以及爵制與政治秩序的關係。中國中古封建體系，名義上遵循西周封建制度，實際是經由戰國兩漢以來儒生、士人不斷追溯重構，形塑出一套關於西周封建的「歷史記憶」。中國中古封建以王爵與五等爵替代西周諸侯，建立天子冊命諸侯統治封國的架構，並藉由儒家經典與漢魏故事，制定專屬諸侯的「開國」制度與「茅土」儀式。各王朝也藉由冊封周邊勢力，建構天下秩序，彰顯政權居於天下共主的地位。本書不僅關注封建體制的具體實踐方式，也重新考察中國中古時期的政局與制度變遷。

前现代的“暹罗王国”是如何变成了“泰国”这样一个现代民族国家？所谓的“泰国性”是如何形成的？泰国的“国家感”是什么？地理学以及制图术在19世纪末、20世纪初的泰国历史中发挥了怎样决定性的作用？
在这部东南亚研究和边疆研究的经典著作中，史学家通猜·威尼差恭对这些问题做出了回答。他提出，旧的本土空间观被新的西方地理学话语替代，边界、主权、边缘等概念逐步为人们所接受，正是在这种变化中，泰国的“地缘机体”被一步步塑造出来。本书突破了以往民族国家研究的范式，从独到的角度重新讲述了这段历史。

“历经一百多年而尚在进行之中的中国社会巨变依然保持其前景不明朗的特点，这自然无法满足人们对良序而稳定社会的要求，而政治哲学的正义目标的预期后果却正在于这样一种社会”，这为政治哲学在中国的发展提供了适宜的土壤。可以说，正义的问题是政治哲学家关注的核心问题，围绕对这一问题的不同理解和回答，政治哲学史呈现为异彩纷呈的图景。然而，自功利主义出现以来，各派理论不管沿着何种路径展开其自身的逻辑，都不可能绕过对功利主义的回应、批判。 罗尔斯的《正义论》出版后，当代政治哲学的版图重组，不仅历史上既已形成的功利主义、自由主义等各派理论的坐标发生了根本性的变化，而且伴随着人们围绕《正义论》一书所展开的理论论辩，公民资格理论、社群主义、多元文化主义和女权主义等理论派别异军突起，从根本上改变了功利主义占主导地位的格局。 《当代政治哲学》一书正是对这种理论场景的呈现。作者在书中详细地考察了活跃在当代政治哲学舞台上的各派理论，批判性地分析了它们对于平等、自由以及建立在两者之基础上的正义社会的各不相同的论证和诠释，不仅阐明了各派理论产生的复杂背景、它们在相互论辩的过程中不断地超越原点向前发展的历史过程，同时通过严密的逻辑论证，澄清了各种扑朔迷离的正义理念背后的不同利益指归。阅读本书不仅能让读者领略我们生活的时代最有头脑的理论家在社会建制问题上所勾勒的异彩纷呈的图画，从而获得精神的历练，而且为人们认识和理解时代的种种复杂问题，提供了很好的理论向导．

本书在充分吸收前人研究成果的基础上，转换视角，以“康党”为切入点，借助大量翔实的资料，如维新运动重要参与者的文集、全集、日记等资料，当时的报刊如《知新报》《清议报》《湘报》《中外日报》《新闻报》《国闻报》等，系统梳理了戊戌时期学术、政治纷争的流变、内涵及其后果，脱出了以往以“新旧”二元对立解读戊戌纷争的窠臼，较为全面立体地揭示戊戌政治与学术纷争的多元面相和真实内涵。

政治理论本身就是政治的一部分
纵观人类跌宕的内心世界，正视今日之我的真实处境，憧憬政治共同体的无限可能
政治思想史的巅峰之作，畅销数十载，历三次修订，邓正来经典新译
躁动的政治传统中，最广博完整的梳理，最审慎精准的解读
萨拜因因这部巨著，曾就任美国政治学会会长，它对西方历代政治思想的精准解读，和脉络梳理，非同类书籍可及。——吴稼祥
萨拜因的《政治学说史》是经典中的经典，经典意味着传统，意味着经历了时间检阅，意味着公认的学术共识。而邓正来教授对本书的翻译，也已经成为西书翻译史上的一段经典，信雅达尚在其次，更有价值的是体现了他对西方思想的深邃理解。——许纪霖
今天我们读萨拜因《政治学说史》的第四版而且是邓正来更流畅的中译本，不仅因为它是这一领域在20世纪最重要的学说史，而且因为它已成为继承和扩展了休谟政治学说的英美政治思想史的一部分。——汪丁丁
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萨拜因的《政治学说史》自1937年问世以来，在英美世界畅销七十余年，堪称经典大学教科书或必读参考书，深邃睿智的政治理论圣经，甚至被誉为20世纪政治思想史的巅峰之作。萨拜因不仅对政治学说从理论上作了深入探讨，而且从历史的角度对上至柏拉图、下至社会主义和法西斯主义这两千多年的政治学说的形成、演变和发展，作了系统的梳理和阐述。本书史料丰富，气势恢宏，是其他同类著作难以比拟的，多年来在国内的政治学研究中享有很高声誉，实为透视西方政治传统之自我认知的一面明镜。上卷“城邦与世界社会”包括“关于城邦的理论”和“关于世界社会的理论”两编，着重梳理从古典时期到中世纪教会时代西方政治思想流变的主要脉络。

本书共收入影响深远的论著6篇，另有3篇附录共计9篇论著，6篇论著按出版年代先后顺序排列分别为“政治的神学”、“罗马天主教与政治形式”、“政治的概念”、“合法性与正当性”、“游击队理论”、“政治的神学续篇”。本书的出版为国内学界提供了研究施米特的政治法学，进入西方政治思想史的纵深并对其审慎思索的机会。