For decades, the distressed cities of the Rust Belt have been symbols of deindustrialization and postindustrial decay, their troubles cast as the inevitable outcome of economic change. The debate about why the fortunes of cities such as Detroit have fallen looms large over questions of social policy. In Manufacturing Decline, Jason Hackworth offers a powerful critique of the role of Rust Belt cities in American political discourse, arguing that antigovernment conservatives capitalized on--and perpetuated--these cities' misfortunes by stoking racial resentment. Hackworth traces how the conservative movement has used the imagery and ideas of urban decline since the 1970s to advance their cause. Through a comparative study of shrinking Rust Belt cities, he argues that the rhetoric of the troubled "inner city" has served as a proxy for other social conflicts around race and class. In particular, conservatives have used images of urban decay to craft "dog-whistle" messages to racially resentful whites, garnering votes for the Republican Party and helping justify limits on local autonomy in distressed cities. The othering of predominantly black industrial cities has served as the basis for disinvestment and deprivation that exacerbated the flight of people and capital. Decline, Hackworth contends, was manufactured both literally and rhetorically in an effort to advance austerity and punitive policies. Weaving together analyses of urban policy, movement conservatism, and market fundamentalism, Manufacturing Decline highlights the central role of racial reaction in creating the problems American cities still face.

Is management a profession? Should it be? Can it be? This major work of social and intellectual history reveals how such questions have driven business education and shaped American management and society for more than a century. The book is also a call for reform. Rakesh Khurana shows that university-based business schools were founded to train a professional class of managers in the mold of doctors and lawyers but have effectively retreated from that goal, leaving a gaping moral hole at the center of business education and perhaps in management itself.</p>
Khurana begins in the late nineteenth century, when members of an emerging managerial elite, seeking social status to match the wealth and power they had accrued, began working with major universities to establish graduate business education programs paralleling those for medicine and law. Constituting business as a profession, however, required codifying the knowledge relevant for practitioners and developing enforceable standards of conduct. Khurana, drawing on a rich set of archival material from business schools, foundations, and academic associations, traces how business educators confronted these challenges with varying strategies during the Progressive era and the Depression, the postwar boom years, and recent decades of freewheeling capitalism.</p>
Today, Khurana argues, business schools have largely capitulated in the battle for professionalism and have become merely purveyors of a product, the MBA, with students treated as consumers. Professional and moral ideals that once animated and inspired business schools have been conquered by a perspective that managers are merely agents of shareholders, beholden only to the cause of share profits. According to Khurana, we should not thus be surprised at the rise of corporate malfeasance. The time has come, he concludes, to rejuvenate intellectually and morally the training of our future business leaders.</p>

Neil Fligstein challenges prevailing theories of the corporation and proposes a radically new view in which the firm is driven not so much by market forces as by the state and its policies toward business. Fligstein traces the evolution, over the past century, of corporate strategy from an initial emphasis on direct control to one of manufacturing, then sales and marketing, and finally today’s focus on finance.

This book contributes to emerging debates in political science and sociology on institutional change. Its introductory essay proposes a new framework for analyzing incremental change that is grounded in a power-distributional view of institutions and that emphasizes ongoing struggles within but also over prevailing institutional arrangements. Five empirical essays then bring the general theory to life by evaluating its causal propositions in the context of sustained analyses of specific instances of incremental change. These essays range widely across substantive topics and across times and places, including cases from the United States, Africa, Latin America, and Asia. The book closes with a chapter reflecting on the possibilities for productive exchange in the analysis of change among scholars associated with different theoretical approaches to institutions.

Why great powers decline, from Spain to the United States
The extent and irreversibility of US decline is becoming ever more obvious as America loses war after war and as one industry after another loses its technological edge. Lachmann explains why the United States will not be able to sustain its global dominance, and contrasts America's relatively brief period of hegemony with the Netherlands' similarly short primacy and Britain's far longer era of leadership.
Decline in all those cases was not inevitable and did not respond to global capitalist cycles. Rather, decline is the product of elites' success in grabbing control over resources and governmental powers. Not only are ordinary people harmed, but also capitalists become increasingly unable to coordinate their interests and adopt policies and make investments necessary to counter economic and geopolitical competitors elsewhere in the world.
Conflicts among elites and challenges by non-elites determine the timing and mold the contours of decline. Lachmann traces the transformation of US politics from an era of elite consensus to present-day paralysis combined with neoliberal plunder, explains the paradox of an American military with an unprecedented technological edge unable to subdue even the weakest enemies, and the consequences of finance's cannibalization of the US economy.

Why were some countries able to build "developmental states" in the decades after World War II while others were not? Through a richly detailed examination of India's experience, Locked in Place argues that the critical factor was the reaction of domestic capitalists to the state-building project. During the 1950s and 1960s, India launched an extremely ambitious and highly regarded program of state-led development. But it soon became clear that the Indian state lacked the institutional capacity to carry out rapid industrialization. Drawing on newly available archival sources, Vivek Chibber mounts a forceful challenge to conventional arguments by showing that the insufficient state capacity stemmed mainly from Indian industrialists' massive campaign, in the years after Independence, against a strong developmental state.
Chibber contrasts India's experience with the success of a similar program of state-building in South Korea, where political elites managed to harness domestic capitalists to their agenda. He then develops a theory of the structural conditions that can account for the different reactions of Indian and Korean capitalists as rational responses to the distinct development models adopted in each country.
Provocative and marked by clarity of prose, this book is also the first historical study of India's post-colonial industrial strategy. Emphasizing the central role of capital in the state-building process, and restoring class analysis to the core of the political economy of development, Locked in Place is an innovative work of theoretical power that will interest development specialists, political scientists, and historians of the subcontinent.
http://press.princeton.edu/titles/7685.html

A state-of-the-field survey of historical sociology, Remaking Modernity highlights the resurgence in historical inquiry underway right now, assesses the field's past accomplishments, and peers into the future, delineating changes to come. The seventeen essays in this collection reveal the potential of historical sociology to transform understandings of social and cultural change. Where many discussions of the field have focused on questions of method, these essays illuminate the substantive and theoretical challenges presented by modernity, by social change writ large. This volume captures an exciting new conversation among historical sociologists that brings a wider interdisciplinary project to bear on the problems and prospects of modernity. The contributors represent a wide range of theoretical orientations and a broad spectrum of understandings of what constitutes historical sociology. They address such topics as religion, war, citizenship, markets, professions, gender and welfare, colonialism, ethnicity and groups, bureaucracy, revolutions, collective action, and the modernist social sciences themselves. Remaking Modernity includes a significant introduction in which the editors consider prior orientations in historic sociology in order to highlight more recent developments. They point out how current research is building on and challenging previous work through attention to institutionalism, rational-choice, the cultural turn, feminist theories and approaches, and colonialism and the racial formations of empire. Contributors: Julia Adams; Justin Baer; Richard Biernacki; Bruce Carruthers; Elisabeth Clemens; Rebecca Jean Emigh ;Philip Gorski; Roger Gould; Meyer Kestmbaum; Edgar Kiser; Ming-Cheng Lo; Zine Magubane; Ann Shola Orloff; Nader Sohrabi; George Steinmetz. Julia Adams is Arthur F. Thurnau Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of Michigan. She is the author of The Familial State: Ruling Families and Merchant Capitalism in Early Modern Europe. Elisabeth Clemens is Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of Chicago. She is the author of The People's Lobby: Organizational Innovation and the Rise of the Interest Group. Ann Shola Orloff is Professor of Sociology at Northwestern University. Her most recent book is Women's Employment and Welfare Regimes: Globalization, Export Orientation, and Social Policy in Europe and North America.

中国为什么能在春秋战国的历史发展中走向统一，并在以后两千多年的大多数时间内保持了统一，而欧洲却在罗马帝国垮台后始终处于分裂局面，并在16、17世纪之后催生出了现代资本主义和民族国家，这些问题长期以来一直是国内外学者们关注的焦点和热点。就此论题，本书从历史社会学的视角，基 于作者提出的社会变迁理论框架，探讨了前现代中西历史发展模式差异的原因，以及历史社会学研究中的各种方法论问题。
----精彩观点----
以工业资本主义和民族国家为主轴的现代化是西方世界的产物。它们在西方的兴起是一个很长的历史过程，这背后有着西方社会的特殊性，同时也是前现代西方社会各个精英群体长期争斗而产生的非期然性结果。除了西欧，欧亚大陆的其他文明在近代完全没有自发产生工业资本主义和民族国家的可能性。
现代化的到来并不象征着西方文明有着特殊的优秀，也不代表着什么历史“进步”。现代化并没有增强人类作为一个整体在自然界的生存能力，历史也不会终结在任何一个意识形态及其相应的社会体系下。
我们要正视中国的历史和现实。我们既不能像五四运动时期或者是“河殇”时代的知识分子，仅仅因为中国在军事冲突和经济竞争上处于一时的下风就把自己的历史和文化贬低得一无是处；也不应该像今天中国的一些知识分子、官员和文化保守主义者，因为中国经济有了一定发展就开始飘飘然。

This reissue of the now classic "Sociological Worlds" (originally published in 1995) attempts to present a comprehensive picture of human social life--from the perspective of the "comparative-historical revolution" in sociology and presents some of the best theoretical and empirical work that is now being done by comparative-historical sociologists, as well as work by their close cousins, socio-cultural anthropologists. From this perspective, readers gain a picture of the major ways in which human societies differ. For this new library edition, Professor Sanderson has provided both a new preface and three contributions that did not appear in the original edition.

Sociology began as a historical discipline, created by Marx, Weber and others, to explain the emergence and consequences of rational, capitalist society. Today, the best historical sociology combines precision in theory-construction with the careful selection of appropriate methodologies to address ongoing debates across a range of subfields.
This innovative book explores what sociologists gain by treating temporality seriously, what we learn from placing social relations and events in historical context. In a series of chapters, readers will see how historical sociologists have addressed the origins of capitalism, revolutions and social movements, empires and states, inequality, gender and culture.
The goal is not to present a comprehensive history of historical sociology; rather, readers will encounter analyses of exemplary works and see how authors engaged past debates and their contemporaries in sociology, history and other disciplines to advance our understanding of how societies are created and remade across time.
This illuminating book is designed for use in graduate and advanced undergraduate courses as an introduction to historical sociology and as a guide to employing historical analysis across the discipline.

Distinguishing four sources of power - ideological, economic, military and political - this series traces their interrelations throughout human history. This third volume of Michael Mann's analytical history of social power begins with nineteenth-century global empires and continues with a global history of the twentieth century up to 1945. Mann focuses on the interrelated development of capitalism, nation-states and empires. Volume 3 discusses the 'Great Divergence' between the fortunes of the West and the rest of the world; the self-destruction of European and Japanese power in two world wars; the Great Depression; the rise of American and Soviet power; the rivalry between capitalism, socialism and fascism; and the triumph of a reformed and democratic capitalism.

本书拣选春秋战国的历史，注目整个中国古代的历史性格和社会结构。推断儒法国家产生的渊源与性质及对后世社会的影响。本书为修订版，增添了一篇关于历史社会学学术脉络的解读。

《为什么？》是一本关于我们所给定的理由以及这些理由如何给定的书。它考察我们在日常生活中给出的理由如何取决于社会关系，并反过来构建社会关系。本书以简易平实的风格探讨了人们如何通过不同的理由来确认、建立、协商、修复或终止与他人的关系。
蒂利考察了人们所给出的大量不同类型的原 因。例如，他描述了一个空中交通管制员如何根据说话对象的转换，以不同方式解释两架飞机的几近失踪：对于在鸡尾酒会上碰到的熟人，他可能以一种无所谓的口吻说“这种事三天两头都会发生”，或对已曝光的事件天马行空、侃侃而谈；对于工作中的同事，他会试着做出一番、更专业的解释；而在给部门领导的正式报告中，他会提供一套细针密缕、字斟句酌的解释。
蒂利指出，理由可以分为四种：
惯例：“不好意思，我把咖啡打翻了；我真是一个傻蛋。”
故事：“我的朋友背叛了我，因为她妒忌我的姐姐。”
专业表述：“点火装置的短路造成了发动机转子的失灵。”
准则：“按照第369条法规，我们不能交出档案。”
为了阐明这一论题，蒂利描述了不同的人如何对九一一袭击给出不同的理由。他还考察了那些给出一种原因的人如何经常将其转换为另一种原因。例如，一个医生可能使用生物化学的专业语言来理解一种病症，但在对生物化学一无所知的病人面前，他会求助于惯例和故事。
全书随处可见关于（包括作者本人的）日常生活体验的精彩轶事。《为什么？》告诉我们，故事是人类最伟大的发明之一。
译者是蒂利正式指导过的最后一位学生。接触虽短，见到为蒂利作品的引进，耗费心血，译文谨严，行事谦退。实可敬重。书稿由前辈编辑编校，老成律则，受益良多。
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郭于华、沈原、唐世平、汪晖、郑也夫推荐
本书辨析了一个重要却鲜为研究的现象：日常生活中理由的给定。更为重要的是，它令人信服地阐明了微观社会互动如何促成宏观社会结构。
——郭于华（清华大学社会学系教授）
本书作者蒂利，以研究宏观历史变迁闻名于世，本书却显示出他洞悉微观的功力。
——沈原（清华大学社会学系教授）
蒂利是过去20-30年间最有影响的社会学家之一。
——唐世平（复旦大学国际政治系教授）
人是行动常常需要理由的动物——作者不仅提出了这一精彩的命题，并且做了出色的解答。
——郑也夫（北京大学社会学系教授）

20世纪的一些重要的社会科学问题构成了学者们在社会理论和历史交叉领域的研究工作、本论文集聚焦于九位杰出的学者的学术生涯与知识贡献，他们是马克·布洛赫、卡尔·波兰尼、艾森斯塔德、莱因哈特·本迪克斯、佩里·安德森、E·P·汤普森、查尔斯·蒂利、沃勒斯坦和巴森顿·摩尔。通过对这些学者的著作及他们各自在自己最重要作品中的研究方案与方法的分析与评估、这些论文生动地传达出他们的视野与价值观。

《民主与专制的社会起源》的作者是美国当代知名社会学和历史学专家巴林顿·摩尔，此书是一部视野宽广的史学论著。本书是对西方正统现代化理论的一个重大挑战，抨击资本主义和西方民主是进入现代工业社会的惟一道路和最终归宿的西方传统观点，并在揭示大量历史事实的基础上指出，西方民主只是特定历史环境中结出的果实，而通向现代社会的历史道路和与之相适应的政治体制形态是形形式式的。此书1966年问世后，即在欧美文化思想界引起普遍反响，标志着当时美国社会思潮的重大转折，此书一经出版，即成为西方学术经典，被誉为"对人类社会和历史所进行的重大探索"，作者也因此荣膺伍德罗·威尔逊奖和麦基弗奖。

Popular memories of the revolutionary past have become a political and cultural force in China. Traumatic memory and active criticism make up part of this wave, but so does nostalgia for collective responsibility and for feelings of freedom and progress.
Re-envisioning the Chinese Revolution is the first comprehensive study of contemporary memories of China’s revolutionary epoch, from the time of Japanese imperialism through the Cultural Revolution. Path-breaking in its scope, the research in this volume carefully examines the memories of a wide range of social groups, including disenfranchised workers and rural women, who have often been neglected in scholarship. Looking at a variety of embodiments of memories—interviews, films, photo exhibits, museums, and websites—the authors, ranging from anthropologists to film studies specialists, present original research on the idea of “memories as a cultural and political phenomenon.” The result is an unprecedented and illuminating reexamination of the memory of, and occasionally nostalgia for, the Chinese Revolution.
Contributors include: Anita Chan, Robert Chi, David J. Davies, Kirk A. Denton, Gail Hershatter, Ching Kwan Lee, Kimberley Ens Manning, Erik Mueggler, Paul G. Pickowicz, Jonathan Unger, Ban Wang, and Guobin Yang.

第一章　理论家与历史学家
第二章　模式和方法
第三章　核心概念
第四章　核心问题
第五章　社会理论和社会变革

《现代国家的起源》为新政治经济学译丛之一。《现代国家的起源》研究国家起源尤其是现代欧洲国家早期历史的学术小册子。《现代国家的起源》精彩刻画了自中世纪起，现代国家的兴起和发展轨迹。特别集中分析了法国和英国，因为作者认为，那些一直持续到我们现代的第一批欧洲国家制度，是在1100-1600年期间法国和英国形成的，正是这些制度的发展，才使得欧洲国家能够拥有用于组织、控制大规模人群的强有力的国家机器。而其他欧洲国家，都非常强烈地受到这些先行国家的影响。