Making the radical argument that the nation-state was born of colonialism, this book calls us to rethink political violence and reimagine political community beyond majorities and minorities.
In this genealogy of political modernity, Mahmood Mamdani argues that the nation-state and the colonial state created each other. In case after case around the globe―from the New World to South Africa, Israel to Germany to Sudan―the colonial state and the nation-state have been mutually constructed through the politicization of a religious or ethnic majority at the expense of an equally manufactured minority.
The model emerged in North America, where genocide and internment on reservations created both a permanent native underclass and the physical and ideological spaces in which new immigrant identities crystallized as a settler nation. In Europe, this template would be used by the Nazis to address the Jewish Question, and after the fall of the Third Reich, by the Allies to redraw the boundaries of Eastern Europe’s nation-states, cleansing them of their minorities. After Nuremberg the template was used to preserve the idea of the Jews as a separate nation. By establishing Israel through the minoritization of Palestinian Arabs, Zionist settlers followed the North American example. The result has been another cycle of violence.
Neither Settler nor Native offers a vision for arresting this historical process. Mamdani rejects the “criminal” solution attempted at Nuremberg, which held individual perpetrators responsible without questioning Nazism as a political project and thus the violence of the nation-state itself. Instead, political violence demands political solutions: not criminal justice for perpetrators but a rethinking of the political community for all survivors―victims, perpetrators, bystanders, beneficiaries―based on common residence and the commitment to build a common future without the permanent political identities of settler and native. Mamdani points to the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa as an unfinished project, seeking a state without a nation.

Why great powers decline, from Spain to the United States
The extent and irreversibility of US decline is becoming ever more obvious as America loses war after war and as one industry after another loses its technological edge. Lachmann explains why the United States will not be able to sustain its global dominance, and contrasts America's relatively brief period of hegemony with the Netherlands' similarly short primacy and Britain's far longer era of leadership.
Decline in all those cases was not inevitable and did not respond to global capitalist cycles. Rather, decline is the product of elites' success in grabbing control over resources and governmental powers. Not only are ordinary people harmed, but also capitalists become increasingly unable to coordinate their interests and adopt policies and make investments necessary to counter economic and geopolitical competitors elsewhere in the world.
Conflicts among elites and challenges by non-elites determine the timing and mold the contours of decline. Lachmann traces the transformation of US politics from an era of elite consensus to present-day paralysis combined with neoliberal plunder, explains the paradox of an American military with an unprecedented technological edge unable to subdue even the weakest enemies, and the consequences of finance's cannibalization of the US economy.

安妮特·贝宁、亚当·德赖弗、乔·哈姆、詹妮弗·莫里森主演新片《酷刑报告》(The Torture Report)新增数名卡司：蒂姆·布雷克·尼尔森、本·麦肯锡、马修·瑞斯、泰德·拉文、迈克尔·C·豪尔。Scott Z. Burns(《副作用》《谍影重重3》)自编自导，聚焦911事件之后，CIA对被拘留者执行的极端审讯计划。美国参议院情报委员会在2016年发布了一份500多页的报告，详细描述了令人震惊的审讯方式。Vice Studios投资制作，将在戛纳寻找买家，上周已在纽约开拍。

In this book, the prominent theorist Partha Chatterjee looks at the creative and powerful results of the nationalist imagination in Asia and Africa that are posited not on identity but on difference with the nationalism propagated by the West. Arguing that scholars have been mistaken in equating political nationalism with nationalism as such, he shows how anticolonialist nationalists produced their own domain of sovereignty within colonial society well before beginning their political battle with the imperial power. These nationalists divided their culture into material and spiritual domains, and staked an early claim to the spiritual sphere, represented by religion, caste, women and the family, and peasants.Chatterjee shows how middle-class elites first imagined the nation into being in this spiritual dimension and then readied it for political contest, all the while "normalizing" the aspirations of the various marginal groups that typify the spiritual sphere. While Chatterjee's specific examples are drawn from Indian sources, with a copious use of Bengali language materials, the book is a contribution to the general theoretical discussion on nationalism and the modern state. Examining the paradoxes involved with creating first a uniquely non-Western nation in the spiritual sphere and then a universalist nation-state in the material sphere, the author finds that the search for a postcolonial modernity is necessarily linked with past struggles against modernity.

Book Description
For many commentators, September 11 inaugurated a new era of fear. But as Corey Robin shows in his unsettling tour of the Western imagination--the first intellectual history of its kind--fear has shaped our politics and culture since time immemorial. From the Garden of Eden to the Gulag Archipelago to today's headlines, Robin traces our growing fascination with political danger and disaster. As our faith in positive political principles recedes, he argues, we turn to fear as the justifying language of public life. We may not know the good, but we do know the bad. So we cling to fear, abandoning the quest for justice, equality, and freedom. But as fear becomes our intimate, we understand it less. In a startling reexamination of fear's greatest modern interpreters--Hobbes, Montesquieu, Tocqueville, and Arendt--Robin finds that writers since the eighteenth century have systematically obscured fear's political dimensions, diverting attention from the public and private authorities who sponsor and benefit from it. For fear, Robin insists, is an exemplary instrument of repression--in the public and private sector. Nowhere is this politically repressive fear--and its evasion--more evident than in contemporary America. In his final chapters, Robin accuses our leading scholars and critics of ignoring "Fear, American Style," which, as he shows, is the fruit of our most prized inheritances--the Constitution and the free market. With danger playing an increasing role in our daily lives and justifying a growing number of government policies, Robin's Fear offers a bracing, and necessary, antidote to our contemporary culture of fear.
Review
"A worthy, if gloomy, contribution to the political-philosophical literature." --Kirkus Reviews
"Given daily terror alerts and news reports of violence, Robin, professor of political science and contributor to New York Times Magazine, offers a sober analysis of fear's Janus-faced potential as a catalyst for economic progress and the raison d'etre of repressive regimes. A brilliant synthesis of historical perspective and the critically revealing story of 'Fear, American Style,' the account explores the classics of political thought by Hobbes, Montesquieu and Tocqueville and the portrayal of evil by Arendt." --Publishers Weekly
"Robin's account of the place of fear in American life is refreshingly clear--and timely." --Tony Judt, New York Review of Books
"Brilliant.... What he does in Fear is show us, by carefully plotting the progress of modern fear politics from the Enlightenment to present day, that we are as dependent on fear as a political vehicle, if not more so, as we are the charades of left/right/middle factionalism." --National Post
"A thoughtful, often brilliant, radical polemic against the insufficiencies and pitfalls of liberalism.... Let us hope that in his next work he will try to construct a defense against political fear as spirited as this provocative and discouraging dissection of its multiple forms." --Stanley Hoffman, Foreign Affairs
"By means of an innovative rereading of four influential political theorists--Thomas Hobbes, Montesquieu, Alexis de Tocqueville and Hannah Arendt--Corey Robin offers a fascinating analysis of how we have formed many of our ideas about the role of fear in society." --New Statesman
"Learned and original, Robin argues that whereas Hobbes and Arendt appreciated the political dimensions of fear, Montesquieu and Tocqueville relegated the idea to the realm of the psychological--a view of fear that has endured, blinding us to the self-serving ways elites deploy fear for political ends. Along the way, Robin delivers trenchant and original critiques of writers who deal with fear. The journalists Michael Ignatieff, Philip Gourevitch and their ilk, who have made a cottage industry of condemning genocide, come under withering criticism for implicitly romanticizing the mass killings they deplore.... When...Robin takes on a congealed conventional wisdom, he is at his best." --Newsday
"His book is an appeal for social democracy which American intellectuals and the political elite have abandoned since the New Deal.... With great lucidity, Robin identifies many disturbing excesses in thought and travesties in deed, all of which are bound up in some way with fear." --Michael Kimmage, New York Times Book Review
"Liberalism, he insists, sends working men and women unprotected into battle against the forces of privilege, a battle they are bound to lose. Defeating fear, US-style, requires a new politics that actively confronts power rather than the current apologetic, ameliorative American liberalism. He may not be right that only a strong state can protect its citizens from fear (which is what, with Hobbes, he ends up arguing), but he makes a strong case that the job is too important to be left to the market." --Financial Times
"Fear is a central, but little investigated, concept in modern political thought. In a deft and well-written analysis of this crucial concept and its political implications, Corey Robin not only gives us a masterful survey of its history but also, of its current abuse by the Bush administration. Passionate, erudite, and partisan, this book is an original contribution to our political vocabulary." --Seyla Benhabib, Eugene Meyer Professor of Political Science and Philosophy, Yale University

本书讲述的是从公元4世纪初年至5世纪初年的百余年间，江左几家侨姓门阀士族与司马氏皇权结合而运转的政治历史。虽不是全面的东晋政治史，但从东晋门阀士族的兴替和门阀政治的发展以至消亡，偏重于政治史方面的研究，它以江左几家侨姓士族的兴衰为线索进行考察，但也不同于各个士族门户的个案研究。书中亦旁及军事、地理、文化、经济诸问题，却也只限于阐明门阀政治的需要。

罗蒂追述20世纪60年代以前老左派的思想成就，评点60年代至今文化左派的功过得失，他指出，为了“筑就我们的国家”，追求美国的建国理想，知识分子应做出更为脚踏实地的努力。
本书源于罗蒂1997年所作的“麦西美国文明史系列讲座”。书中的罗蒂自始至终慷慨激昂、充满自信，他旨在激励美国左派知识分子积极参与国内事条，重新点燃他们心中的热情，从而恢复美国文化生活的平衡。

本书是一个历史学者对"东欧"各国政治经济文化各方面现状的观察与评论。有现象，有分析，对于读者了解目前"新欧洲"的真实情况，颇有助益。分上篇"金融危机后回首看东欧"，中篇"波兰独立之路与南斯拉夫民族独立问题"，下篇"东欧知识分子的精神追求"，共15篇文章。以作者在《经济观察报》开设专栏撰写的文章为基础，修改编订而成，也是之前出版的《十年沧桑--东欧诸国的经济社会转轨与思想变迁》（上海三联2004）一书的姊妹篇。

“近距离看美国”之四《如彗星划过夜空》，依旧是以书信形式来表达内容。全书主要分为两部分：一、通过记述发生在1787年美国费城制宪会议前后的一系列故事，梳理美国宪政民主从源头、发展到相对成熟和付诸实践的基本过程。作者循着制宪会议的进程，一步步讲述并层层推出对美国宪法中有关制度设计的思想土壤、历史机遇、基本理念的思考；描述出美国早期的思想家和政治家面对各种不同的思想观点，遵从游戏规则，于交锋和妥协中显示的政治智慧。同时也对美国宪政制度中可忧虑的问题和历史的局限等做了分析。