Why are so many American social programs delegated to private actors? And what are the consequences for efficiency, accountability, and the well-being of beneficiaries? The Delegated Welfare State examines the development of the American welfare state through the lens of delegation: how policymakers have repeatedly avoided direct governmental provision of benefits and services, instead turning to non-state actors for the governance of social programs. More recent versions, such as the Medicare Part D prescription drug program, delegate responsibility to consumers themselves, who must choose from an array of private providers in social welfare marketplaces. Utilizing a case study of Medicare, along with the 2009-10 health care reform, authors Andrea Campbell and Kimberly Morgan argue that the prevalence of delegated governance derives from fundamental contradictions in American public opinion. Americans want both social programs and small government, leaving policy makers in a bind. In response, they contract out public programs to non-state actors as a way to mask the role of the state. Such arrangements also pull in interest group allies--the providers of these programs--who help pass policies in a political landscape fraught with obstacles. Although delegated governance has been politically expedient, enabling the passage and growth of government programs in an anti-government political climate, it raises questions about fraud, abuse, administrative effectiveness, and accountability. Social welfare marketplaces also suffer due to the difficulties individuals have in making choices about the benefits they need. In probing both the causes and consequences of delegated governance,The Delegated Welfare State offers a novel interpretation of both American social welfare politics and the nature of the American state.

住房是“美国梦”的核心内容，不论是激进的政治演讲者还是雄心勃勃的企业家，都认为住房的建筑模式，将为国民提供理想的生存环境，其重要性远超过对工厂、机构的建筑或改造，它们是新的社会秩序的一部分。
普通美国人对家的珍爱使住房史别有寓意，拥有一套“像样的住房”的权利是基本权利，维护这种权利是美国生活方式的必须准则。但是，每一次关于住房的争论都要穿越阶级的界限，何谓“像样的住房”也引发了一系列令人思考的问题：家庭的作用是什么？如何保持家庭隐私与社区生活之间的平衡？或保持个人自由选择权与政府控制权之间的平衡？郊区的独门独户住房是“像样的住房”的唯一可接受的表达方式吗？核心家庭是最好的居住单元吗？民主平等是简单地意味着拥有栖身之所的权利、选择的权利，还是被他人接受的权利。

陈宏谋是清代中期上层官僚的代表，作者通过对他的解读让我们全面了解那个时期官员对自己、对事业和社会的认识。作者从为官到做人，从经世到治家诸多方面剖析了陈宏谋的思想与政治生涯。本书通过人物史写社会史，是了解18世纪官僚政治思想的重要著作。

This innovative reader brings together classic theoretical texts and cutting-edge ethnographic analyses of specific state institutions, practices, and processes and outlines an anthropological framework for rethinking future study of “the state”.
Focuses on the institutions, spaces, ideas, practices, and representations that constitute the “state”.
Promotes cultural and transnational approaches to the subject.
Helps readers to make anthropological sense of the state as a cultural artifact, in the context of a neoliberalizing, transnational world.

In this major contribution to contemporary political theory, Jean Cohen and Andrew Arato argue that the concept of civil society articulates a contested terrain in the West that could become a primary locus for the expansion of democracy and rights.

The second volume of the bestselling landmark work on the history of the modern state
Writing in The Wall Street Journal, David Gress called Francis Fukuyama’s Origins of Political Order “magisterial in its learning and admirably immodest in its ambition.” In The New York Times Book Review, Michael Lind described the book as “a major achievement by one of the leading public intellectuals of our time.” And in The Washington Post, Gerard DeGrott exclaimed “this is a book that will be remembered. Bring on volume two.”
Volume two is finally here, completing the most important work of political thought in at least a generation. Taking up the essential question of how societies develop strong, impersonal, and accountable political institutions, Fukuyama follows the story from the French Revolution to the so-called Arab Spring and the deep dysfunctions of contemporary American politics. He examines the effects of corruption on governance, and why some societies have been successful at rooting it out. He explores the different legacies of colonialism in Latin America, Africa, and Asia, and offers a clear-eyed account of why some regions have thrived and developed more quickly than others. And he boldly reckons with the future of democracy in the face of a rising global middle class and entrenched political paralysis in the West.
A sweeping, masterful account of the struggle to create a well-functioning modern state, Political Order and Political Decay is destined to be a classic.

For the first time in a single volume, leading social movement researchers map the full range of applications of network concepts and tools to their field of inquiry. They illustrate how networks affect individual contributions to collective action in both democratic and non-democratic organizations; how patterns of inter-organizational linkages affect the circulation of resources both within movement milieus and between movement organizations and the political system; how network concepts and techniques may improve our grasp of the relationship between movements and elites, of the configuration of alliance and conflict structures, of the clustering of episodes of contention in protest cycles.Social Movements and Networks casts new light on our understanding of social movements and cognate social and political processes.

政府向社会组织购买公共服务研究：中国与全球经验分析，ISBN：9787301170076，作者：王浦劬，（美）萨拉蒙 等著

《国家建设与政府行为》分三个单元——即国家建设与治理模式、国家建设与资源配置、国家建设与社会管理，对中国的近现代的国家治理与政府行为进行了探讨。全书的十一篇专题论文均在经验资料分析、理论思路开拓、概念工具形成方面做出努力，试图在积累学术知识方面做出贡献。每个单元还邀请了在学术上颇有见地的学者进行了深入的评论。《国家建设与政府行为》的研究对关注中国国家建设与政府行为研究的社会学、经济学、政治学、管理学者来说，将有所助益。

罗蒂追述20世纪60年代以前老左派的思想成就，评点60年代至今文化左派的功过得失，他指出，为了“筑就我们的国家”，追求美国的建国理想，知识分子应做出更为脚踏实地的努力。
本书源于罗蒂1997年所作的“麦西美国文明史系列讲座”。书中的罗蒂自始至终慷慨激昂、充满自信，他旨在激励美国左派知识分子积极参与国内事条，重新点燃他们心中的热情，从而恢复美国文化生活的平衡。

Pundits and social observers have voiced alarm each year as fewer Americans involve themselves in voluntary groups that meet regularly. Thousands of nonprofit groups have been launched in recent times, but most are run by professionals who lobby Congress or deliver social services to clients. What will happen to U.S. democracy if participatory groups and social movements wither, while civic involvement becomes one more occupation rather than every citizen’s right and duty? In Diminished Democracy, Theda Skocpol shows that this decline in public involvement has not always been the case in this country—and how, by understanding the causes of this change, we might reverse it.

It is a commonplace that the United States lagged behind the countries of Western Europe in developing modern social policies. But, as Theda Skocpol shows in this startlingly new historical analysis, the United States actually pioneered generous social spending for many of its elderly, disabled, and dependent citizens. During the late nineteenth century, competitive party politics in American democracy led to the rapid expansion of benefits for Union Civil War veterans and their families.
Some Americans hoped to expand veterans’ benefits into pensions for all of the needy elderly and social insurance for workingmen and their families. But such hopes went against the logic of political reform in the Progressive Era. Generous social spending faded along with the Civil War generation.
Instead, the nation nearly became a unique maternalist welfare state as the federal government and more than forty states enacted social spending, labor regulations, and health education programs to assist American mothers and children. Remarkably, as Skocpol shows, many of these policies were enacted even before American women were granted the right to vote. Banned from electoral politics, they turned their energies to creating huge, nation-spanning federations of local women’s clubs, which collaborated with reform-minded professional women to spur legislative action across the country.
Blending original historical research with political analysis, Skocpol shows how governmental institutions, electoral rules, political parties, and earlier public policies combined to determine both the opportunities and the limits within which social policies were devised and changed by reformers and politically active social groups over the course of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
By examining afresh the institutional, cultural, and organizational forces that have shaped U.S. social policies in the past, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers challenges us to think in new ways about what might be possible in the American future.

Exploring one of the most dynamic and contested regions of the world, this series includes works on political, economic, cultural, and social changes in modern and contemporary Asia and the Pacific.
The leading specialist on China's twentieth century peasant resistance reexamines, in bold and original ways, the question: Was the Chinese peasantry a revolutionary force? Where most scholarly attention has focused on Communist-led peasant movements, Bianco's story is one of peasant thought and action largely unmediated by modern political parties. This volume pays particular attention to the first half of the twentieth century when peasant-based conflict, ranging from tax and food protests to secret society conflicts, opium struggles, inter-communal conflicts, and tenant protests over rent, was central to nationwide revolutionary processes.

作者认为，民主质量的好坏或民主制度的绩效，可以从公民社会的状况得到解释；如果某一个社会的民主运转出了问题，从根本上说，那一定是公民社会（公民意识、公民组织、公民行为等，总之是公民生活）发生了变化--例如，社区生活走向了衰落。帕特南加入到美国公民参与热情度降低、投票率下降的研究当中，他敏锐地感到，当初托克维尔所描述的美国社区生活正在逐渐衰落，那种喜好结社、喜欢过有组织的公民生活、关注公共话题、热心公益事业的美国人不见了；今天的美国人，似乎不再愿意把闲暇时间用在与邻居一起咖啡聊天，一起走进俱乐部去从事集体行动，而是宁愿一个人在家看电视，或者独自去打保龄球。于是，帕特南想到用"Bowling Alone"这个词来形容和概括美国社会的这一变化，并力求对这种变化的性质和原因做出理论解释。在他看来，"独自打保龄"的现象意味着美国社会资本的流逝，造成这种现象的原因可能是复杂而不易确定的，但后果却是明确的，那就是公民参与的衰落。

本书主要考察中央地方关系在当代中国的变迁过程及其与城镇化和社会发展方面的联系。在大量经验调查和理论研究的基础上，本书指出，二十世纪八十年代的财政包干制和九十年代的分税制是理解中央地方关系变迁的关键要素。财政包干制为地方政府“大办企业”和快速的地方工业化提供了激励，而分税制则促使地方政府发生了由“经营企业”到“经营土地”和“经营城市”的转向。本书从土地指标获取和城镇化模式两个方面分析了中央地方关系的变化对地方政府行为的深刻影响，为我们理解当代中国的经济社会发展提供了一种较有洞察力的视角。

本书以农户为基本单位，以乡村集体为中间层次，以国家的逻辑为最高层面，通过“土地—治理—民情”这三重分析框架，对“三农”问题进行了一种新的阐释，使我们可以概要地理解中国国家与农民关系的六十年变迁，尤其是深化对中国农村改革三十多年来的制度创新、发展经验及问题的理解。