本书是一部关于自由的意义的重要著作，它追溯了本世纪后半叶美国民主的再造过程。针对公共哲学的概念，《民主的不满——美国在寻求一种公共哲学》提出了一种哲学的论证和一种历史的论证。其哲学主张认为，程序自由主义——一种声称政府应该对关于良善生活的各种竞争性见解保持中立的政治理论——是不充分的；其历史的观点则认为，在过去的半个世纪里，程序自由主义在不断地为美国的政治话语创造词汇，它已经排挤了共和主义对公民身份和自由的理解，并开始作为一种支配性的公共哲学大行其道。在桑德尔看来，程序自由主义已经逐步取代了公民共和主义，并给美国的民主带来了灾难性后果。只有通过恢复共和主义传统，致力于共同体认同和自治所需要的公民美德，才能消除美国民主的不满。

"[Cass's] core principle--a culture of respect for work of all kinds--can help close the gap dividing the two Americas...." - William A. Galston, The Brookings Institution

The American worker is in crisis. Wages have stagnated for more than a generation. Reliance on welfare programs has surged. Life expectancy is falling as substance abuse and obesity rates climb.

These woes are not the inevitable result of irresistible global and technological forces. They are the direct consequence of a decades-long economic consensus that prioritized increasing consumption--regardless of the costs to American workers, their families, and their communities. Donald Trump's rise to the presidency focused attention on the depth of the nation's challenges, yet while everyone agrees something must change, the Left's insistence on still more government spending and the Right's faith in still more economic growth are recipes for repeating the mistakes of the past.

In this groundbreaking re-evaluation of American society, economics, and public policy, Oren Cass challenges our basic assumptions about what prosperity means and where it comes from to reveal how we lost our way. The good news is that we can still turn things around--if the nation's proverbial elites are willing to put the American worker's interests first.

Which is more important, pristine air quality, or well-paying jobs that support families? Unfettered access to the cheapest labor in the world, or renewed investment in the employment of Americans? Smoothing the path through college for the best students, or ensuring that every student acquires the skills to succeed in the modern economy? Cutting taxes, expanding the safety net, or adding money to low-wage paychecks?

The renewal of work in America demands new answers to these questions. If we reinforce their vital role, workers supporting strong families and communities can provide the foundation for a thriving, self-sufficient society that offers opportunity to all.

In this ground-breaking book on the children of affluence, a well-known clinical psychologist exposes the epidemic of emotional problems that are disabling America’s privileged youth, thanks, in large part, to normalized, intrusive parenting that stunts the crucial development of the self.In recent years, numerous studies have shown that bright, charming, seemingly confident and socially skilled teenagers from affluent, loving families are experiencing epidemic rates of depression, substance abuse, and anxiety disorders&—rates higher than in any other socioeconomic group of American adolescents. Materialism, pressure to achieve, perfectionism, and disconnection are combining to create a perfect storm that is devastating children of privilege and their parents alike.In this eye-opening, provocative, and essential book, clinical psychologist Madeline Levine explodes one child-rearing myth after another. With empathy and candor, she identifies toxic cultural influences and well-intentioned, but misguided, parenting practices that are detrimental to a child's healthy self-development. Her thoughtful, practical advice provides solutions that will enable parents to help their emotionally troubled "star" child cultivate an authentic sense of self.

新新闻主义之父盖伊·特立斯 掘地三尺深挖《纽约时报》内幕
每个名字、场景、故事，句句属实
每一天，从早上的新闻，到晚上的热帖，所有这些信息和咨询，全由记者报道，再由编辑打磨挑选。是他们的“创造”决定了我们看到什么，谈论什么。
《纽约时报》是所有媒体中公认最可靠的历史记录者，它报道的就是事实。从地方小报到世界自由主义阵营的旗帜，哪些人为它奠基，为它添砖加瓦？是一群只为新闻而活的人。
他们全力报导今天，截稿时间一过，该跳舞跳舞，该赛马赛马。这是一群理想主义者，也是真正的野心家、投机客和享乐家。
1851年创刊，1896年被阿道夫·奥克斯以7万5千美金收购，《纽约时报》用一期期报道奠定了自己影响美国、影响世界的第一大报的地位。它记录了世界近现代历史中几乎所有最重大的事件，而记录这些事件的《纽约时报》和《纽约时报》人则往往隐居幕后。
作者特立斯从1953年开始在《纽约时报》工作了十余年。当他离开时报后，第一件事就是回过头去采访自己曾经的同事，试图以时报不鼓励、不允许的方式刻画描述这个庞大的、能影响全美乃至全世界局势的机构。特立斯眼光犀利，笔触细腻，不仅在书中回溯了《纽约时报》的历史，还生动地再现了近百名时报人，以及他们在时报这个大机构中的庞杂关系，向读者展现了一幅上世纪五六十年代第一流媒体从业者的群像。
本书初版于1969年，至今仍是关于《纽约时报》历史及运作方式最权威细致的参考书，开启了当时写作、出版媒体著作的潮流。

笃信“美国至上”和单边主义的美国政府，可以从越战中学到什么？
我们陷入分裂，需要团结。——尼克松
年轻的美国总统约翰·肯尼迪，政坛老手、国会影响力人物林登·约翰逊，福特公司总经理、“蓝血十杰”之一罗伯特·麦克纳马拉，罗德学者、洛克菲勒基金会主席迪安·腊斯克，满分进入耶鲁、差一点儿当上哈佛大学校长的麦乔治·邦迪，蜚声学界的经济学家、“经济增长阶段论”提出者沃尔特·罗斯托，既是军人又是知识分子的马克斯韦尔·泰勒，最年轻的西点军校校长威廉·威斯特摩兰，历史学家阿瑟·施莱辛格，自由派制度经济学家约翰·加尔布雷思……
肯尼迪总统上任后组建了一个全都由顶尖人才组成的团队。美国政府已经从艾森豪威尔时代的疲沓、软弱无能的市侩们转移到一代人中最优秀和最聪明的人的手里。
但一群那么理性、聪明和理想主义的人，让美国陷入一场惨烈的战争。
越战是美国建国以来持续时间最长的战争，美军5.8万人阵亡，30.4万人受伤，耗资2500亿美元，两届美国政府（约翰逊及尼克松政府）被毁……
越南遭受巨大战争创伤，150万人死亡，400万人受到化学污染，留下100万寡妇、88万孤儿、20万残疾人、20万妓女、超过150万越南难民乘小船逃离越南……
然而，这场战争本不必发生。
全面展示《阿甘正传》《现代启示录》《全金属外壳》《猎鹿人》《野战排》《第一滴血》等经典电影所处的时代困局