本书为法国著名思想家米歇尔·福柯的代表作、作者生前完成了三卷，我社已于2000年3 月翻译出版，共印了两次，这次出版增补版的原因是我社获得法国伽里马赫出版社的授权，同意我社将《性经验史》第四卷已发表的内容《为负法而战斗》作为第四卷收入本书，趁此机会、译者又对以前的译文作 了修改和提高、因此，《性经验史》中文版将成为全球最完整的版本而面世，而且被收入《世纪文库》第二辑。

《酷儿理论》所有的篇章都是作者1999年在美国加州大学参加性别问题研讨班期间搜集到的，“酷儿理论”是西方那些在性和性别领域的越轨分子创造出来的、关于他们自己和他们的越轨行为的理论。

同性恋是一种跨文化而普遍存在的现象。同性恋者作为一种非主流的文化群体，具有独特的行为规范和方式。无论从同性恋活动对家庭和社会关系各个方面的影响程度，还是同性恋者在社会总人口中所占的比例来看，同性恋研究都是一个不容忽视的领域。作者多年来致力于对中国同性恋现象的深入研究，其学术观点受到国内外同行的重视和肯定。本书是国内社会学界在同性恋研究领域最早的成果之一。

“虐恋”，西方称之为sadomasochism(简称SM),统指与施虐、受虐相关的意识与行为。“虐恋”一词是由中国的老一辈社会学家潘光旦先生首先提出的，但直到二十世纪末，李银河的《虐恋亚文化》才真正为我国填补了这项研究的空白。
在《虐恋亚文化》一书中，作者系统地介绍了西方的虐恋现象及其意义。全书共分六章：“虐恋亚文化”——描述了虐恋的规模、特征、历史变迁及其社会处境。“虐恋个案”——根据性别的不同将虐恋个案划分为五类进行了分别介绍。“虐恋作品”——介绍并分析了从主流文学到地下文学中的虐恋描述。“虐恋成因”——将西方学者对虐恋现象的解释作了介绍与分析。“虐恋政治”——介绍了西方人针对虐恋的不同政治立场。“虐恋的启示”——作者从多个角度（权利关系、宗教精神、性解放等）介绍了虐恋对我们的启示。
作者将虐恋定义为：“它是一种将快感与痛感联系在一起的性活动，或者说是一种通过痛感获得快感的性活动……所谓痛感有两个内涵，其一是肉体痛苦（如鞭打导致的快感）……其二是精神的痛苦（如统治与服从关系中的羞辱所导致的痛苦感觉）。”
在序中，作者认为“……性思潮中最具革命意义的有两个分离，其一是将性快感与生殖行为分离开来……其二是将性快感及其它身体快感与生殖器官分离开来……而虐恋的意义之一就在于它使快感与生殖器官相分离……”。简明清晰地概括了虐恋的革命意义。
作者认为“虐恋还有一个重大的哲学意义：对人性中非理性方面的揭示……虐恋就有点象艺术，它是生活的艺术，是性的艺术。”
作者在第一章描述了虐恋的十二个特征，第一个也是最重要的特征是“参与者使自愿的”。作者认为“这就是真正的暴力及其施暴者、受害者与虐恋关系的根本区别之所在”。
该书有一点遗憾之处——没有介绍中国传统文化中的虐恋现象，虽然中国传统文化对虐恋现象基本上羞于启齿，但在各类民俗小说中却有一定的反映。
关于虐恋的成因，作者介绍了一些解释，包括欲望快乐因素、生理因素、童年经历、攻击性、焦虑感和恐惧感、负罪感、对爱的渴求、权力关系。但有一点作者没有提到：从进化论的角度看，一种快感形式的出现总是伴随着生存与繁衍的利益。然而虐恋表面上看非但没有生存与繁衍的利益，反而不利于生存与繁衍——受虐倾向可导致受伤，施虐倾向可导致反抗，而且由于虐恋快感对性交快感的替代作用，真正起到繁衍作用的性行为会相应减少。这种不利于生物个体生存的现象在进化论上如何解释呢？
笔者认为若将虐恋的定义改为“将快感与羞辱感联系在一起的性活动”，可在此基础上提出一个假设。如下：人的大脑是一种复杂的神经网络，具有高级的联想学习能力，通常喜欢将相似的事物联系起来，成语“爱屋及乌”就是这个含义。如果有一种事物通常与性相关，而性又与快感相关，人在无意识当中就会把该事物与快感直接联系起来，从而只要该事物一出现，人根本不必通过性就会有快感。如恋物癖将内衣裤（与性器官接触的物品）与快感的直接联系起来。而虐恋是一种建立在羞辱感上的行为，羞辱感通常与性活动紧密相关，因此人在无意识中会将虐恋与快感联系起来。虐恋与快感的联系虽然不利于生存，但如果要消除这种联系，就要消除羞辱感与性活动之间的联系，而消除羞辱感与性之间的联系不利于人类繁衍（至于为什么不利，代价多大，不少关于人 类性的进化的书都有介绍），因为消除羞辱感付出的代价比虐恋付出的代价还要大，通过长期的自然选择，人类保留了一定的羞辱感，虐恋就相伴而生了。
该书体现了李银河治学的一贯作风——严谨、求实、不轻易作价值判断。第一次听说李银河的名字，是因为她是王小波的夫人。然而现在看来，其才华与影响力应远超王小波了。
虐恋在中国人的心中基本被归类于变态的范围，这与一衣带水的邻国——日本形成了强烈的反差（日本动画片《蜡笔小新》都有虐恋内容），因此该书的出版对国人性观念的提高具有重大意义，也为国内学者的相关社会学研究提供了一个良好的跳板。
摘自《光明日报》

现如今，几乎所有无害的性行为都得到公开的宣扬，也几乎所有的性行为都被学者著书讨论殆尽，但当手淫这种最简单、最无害、也最普遍的性行为成为公开讨论的话题时，却难免使人感到尴尬、不安、甚至觉得有些过激。
手淫也许可以算是性学研究中最后的禁区，它绝对不是早先蒙昧年代里的主流性文化。古典时期对手淫不屑一顾；在犹太教和基督教对性行为的教导中，手淫也很少被提及。事实上，把手淫作为一个严肃道德话题来讨论，可是在文化史上追溯到一个十分精确的年代，这是十分罕见的。
作者拉科尔认为，1722年前后由匿名作者编写的《手淫》的出版正是标志性的分水岭。手淫文化是启蒙运动的产物，它不仅被启蒙时代那些著名的学者广泛关注，而且被当时的文化变革所深深影响。因此，我们可以说，对手淫文化的研究是现代意义上的。对它的探讨感到忧心忡忡的并不是那些保守分子，而是那些所谓的进步人士。手淫是第一个真正意义上的民主性行为，无论对成年男女、还是少男少女都具有重大的道得意义。
书中所涉及的内容范围甚广。对手淫的讨论从《圣经》开始，一直到第三次妇女解放运动、概念艺术和网络对手淫文化的影响。该书向读者解释了这种曾一度被认为是低贱而暧昧的性满足行为是如何成为矛盾综合体的全过程，向读者展示了手淫是集现代人性价值和商业社会价值、个人道德自治和隐私，以及创造力和想像力于一身的最佳例证。

20世纪80年代以来， 性与性别开始成为美国大学里的重要研究领域，而塞吉维克正是该领域与巴特勒齐名的最具原创性的学者，并在美国和欧洲拥有大量读者。 她在本书中首次提出了一个区别于“男性同性恋”的重要概念“男性同性社会性欲望”。本书从社会、经济及权力关系的角度，对欧洲和美国文学史上的一系列小说和诗歌文本进行解读，从而揭示出传统异性恋结构是以女性为交易媒介的男－男关系，以及这一传统结构与同性恋之间的博弈关系，同时论述了“同性恋恐惧症”的现象和成因。

《性趣探秘:人类性的进化》力图解释人类的性行为是如何演变为现在的模式，包括女性的绝经期、人类社会中男性的角色、离群性交、为取乐而非传宗接代的性交，以及女性乳房早于发挥喂乳功用时的隆起等。

“房内”一词是中国古代对性事的雅称，“历代房内考”即是对悠悠历史长河中性文化的考证。本书首次全面系统地阐述了中华民族性文化漫长而曲折的演变史。从最初的原始社会的性崇拜、性禁忌到逐渐形成性文化雏形的奴隶社会；宽松的两性关系、房中术的兴起和性艺术、性文学的兴盛为代表的汉唐时期到对性进行残酷的禁锢与剥夺的宋元明清时期；从二十世纪初的“性博士”奇人张竟生到改革开放的九十年代的全国两万例“性文明”调查，人们的性观念、性意识一直在禁锢与解放中交错演进。 全书以洋洋二百万文字，近千幅图片将5000年中国性文化的发展史，淋漓尽致地展现给读者，从而揭开了中国历史上最为神秘的一页。 本书是一部全面系统阐述历代中国性文化的宏篇巨制，一部生动直观描绘中国房中术的精美典籍。本书首次透过古代中国性文化的渊源看当代性文化的发展；首套集性文化、性科学、性医学、性风俗之大成的巨作；首部公开披露历代民间性学秘传本、手抄本及宫廷房中理论的典籍；首次登载并以学术眼光研究性文物、春宫画、秘戏图的精美读物。

本书除了揭示英、法、德三国处理同性恋问题的不同模式，还告诉大家同性恋问题并非只是性爱史的一个次要部分，它在社会形态和表现的历史上自有其地位，它作为一种吸引或反感的作用揭示一个社会的幻想和恐惧。当然，作者并不企图仅仅借助性爱来解释两次大战之间的阶段、纳粹问题和二战的发生。显然，经济、政治和社会因素起着决定性作用。另外，本书也不同于心理学史，尽管有时借助心理分析的假设也能说明问题。作者认为同性恋史研究应该把舆论的恐惧和政府的恐惧区别对待，也许应重新估量性幻想在社会想象中的分量。

《我们的性》，现在是它的第7版，生物、社会心理、行为和文化诸多方面以对个人有意义的方式，对性做出了全面、学术观点鲜明的介绍。我们非常高兴读者对本书前几版一直反应热烈且热心；这些反应激励着我们为你们的学生提供更加有效的学习工具。本书是美国最负盛名的性学教科书，它给我们描绘了一幅十分完整、科学、全面的人类性学图景，把性科学与色情、诲淫彻底区分开来：本书提供一种工具，帮您探讨自己对性问题的观点，增进个人的理解，促进个人的发展。
强力推荐：Our Sexuality 英文原版火热发售

This is the most respected and authoritative college textbook available on human sexuality. Written in a direct, non-judgmental manner, this edition of OUR SEXUALITY has been thoroughly and carefully updated to reflect the most current research findings. It is the first college text to bring cutting-edge and in-depth emphasis on the impact of politics on sexuality. Crooks and Baur keep you interested with the most exciting, emerging research and coverage, and focus on strengthening healthy communication among partners. The authors also have revised their overall coverage on maintaining a responsible and healthy sexual relationship, with greater attention to diversity and inclusiveness.

From The New England Journal of Medicine ® February 18, 1999 The Massachusetts Medical Society. All rights reserved.
These three reprinted books contain most of the published statistical data taken from the original interview schedules used by Alfred Kinsey and his colleagues from 1938 to 1963 to gather sexual histories. Except for two topically focused books published by other authors after Kinsey's death, the ideas and data in these books represent the bulk of Kinsey's intellectual and empirical contribution to sex research. It is appropriate that they be reprinted in 1998, the 50th anniversary of the original publication of Sexual Behavior in the Human Male. It was with this first book that knowledge about sexuality garnered from a scientific survey burst into the consciousness of the American public. This book and its companion, Sexual Behavior in the Human Female, published in 1953, introduced a new way of thinking and talking about sexuality to American (and world) culture.
The practice of sexuality was quite varied in the United States before the publication of these books, but it was largely unrecorded, at least by scientists. Before the late 1940s, the sexual lives of most people were shaped by personal experiments, isolated sexual encounters, uninformed gossip, media sensation, and moral condemnation (not necessarily in that order). The national myth was that most people were obedient to a traditional set of sexual rules and those who were not were relatively rare and defective in morals or willpower.
It was against this background of repression and prurience that Kinsey asserted the right of science to speak about sexual behavior. As a scientist, Kinsey spoke and wrote plainly, using language about sexuality that was rarely heard or read at the time. The facts reported in the book on men's sexual behavior were at fundamental variance with the myths. Kinsey reported that the practice of masturbation was nearly universal among men (90 percent did it), that homosexual relations were widely experienced (37 percent had done it once), that premarital sexual relations were common (most college men did it), that half of married men had had extramarital sexual relations, and that oral sex was routine in deed if not in public discourse (70 percent of educated husbands said they and their wives had done it).
But it was not only these facts that evoked a powerful negative response from traditional figures in churches, legislatures, and the press. The book also had a strong reformist tone, with Kinsey arguing, completely in the American grain, that progress in dealing with sexual problems could only be made by objectively uncovering the facts of sexual life. That the reported sexual practices of American men differed from moral expectations was (in Kinsey's interpretation) evidence of the power of sexuality and not a mark of moral decay. The problems associated with sexuality were a consequence of social repression, not inherent to sexuality itself.
The controversy engendered by this first book caused Kinsey's second book, Sexual Behavior in the Human Female, to be eagerly anticipated by his critics, his defenders, the media, and the public. Its publication in 1953 was met with an equal if not greater storm than the publication of the book on men. Kinsey's evidence suggested that women were less behaviorally active than men in all aspects of sexual life but that they were still more sexual than traditional views allowed. However, the focus of the media on the statistical findings about sexual practices among women (what we now treat as "factoids") made the second book appear entirely similar to the first (by this time both books had become fused in the public mind and in the media as the "Kinsey Reports").
Contrary to this view, it is evident from a careful reading of the book on women that Kinsey had moved from his thinking in the book on men to a more nuanced view of sexuality. The book on men is severely masculinist in its perspective, using men's sexual lives as the primary model for what is considered to be sexually normal. The sexuality of the human male was characterized by novelty in practices, variety in partners, a quick and urgent response to sexual stimuli, and a search for orgasm as the primary source of sexual pleasure. Sexual Behavior in the Human Female, based on approximately 6000 interviews, is a retreat, at least in part, from all of these assumptions. Two important changes in Kinsey's thinking are apparent: women and men are more alike in the biology of their sexuality than he had previously thought, and women's sexuality and, on suitable reflection, men's sexuality seemed shaped, not merely repressed, by social and cultural forces. Increasingly, it was clear that the two books were works of social science, not biology.
The negative reaction to Kinsey and his works in the 1950s frightened off providers of funding and researchers in the field of sex research. As a consequence, the Kinsey studies were used as flawed report cards on sexual life in the United States well into the era of AIDS. The studies were particularly deficient in their sampling methods, and it was obvious to researchers at the time that they did not accurately measure the sexual life of American women and men. As science, they were important first steps but incomplete in scope and method. The findings were limited to white, better educated, less religious, and largely youthful women and men from the northeastern United States who volunteered to be interviewed about their sexual lives. We now know that the effect of volunteer respondents was to inflate the reported levels of some aspects of sexual behavior. The interview schedule and the interviewing were of high quality, but they could not correct for biases in sampling.
A proper historical understanding of Kinsey's purposes should focus on his explicit desire to understand sexuality by using objective tools of science and on his scarcely concealed desire to reform what he saw as the repressive character of sexual life in the United States during the period before the Second World War. This goal of sexual reform was scarcely unique to Kinsey -- only his scientific methods and the connection he made between science and sexual reform were special. The findings from Kinsey's work and the attitudes the work expressed quickly filtered into reformist groups that strove to change laws about sexual behavior, to free public speech about sexuality, to advance family planning through birth control, to promote sex education, and to reduce what they saw as hypocrisy about sexuality in American culture.
The association of Kinsey with sexual reform has recently made him the target, both as a scientist and a man, of attacks by conservative groups. John Bancroft, the current director of the institute that Kinsey founded, has written a spirited and important defense of Kinsey in the introduction to the reprinted edition of Sexual Behavior in the Human Female.
The third reprinted book is quite different from the other two, but it emphasizes the continuing utility to historians of the entire collection of Kinsey's interviews. This book presents the marginal tabulations of all of the interviews gathered by Kinsey and his colleagues (including those conducted after Kinsey's death in 1956) and makes them more useful by excluding certain groups that surely skewed the findings of the original report on men. Funding from the National Institute of Mental Health in the early 1960s presented an opportunity for all the 17,500 original interviews to be placed on computer tape. Of these interviews, 14,000 are treated as a "basic" sample of persons who were noncriminal; those of persons with criminal histories are treated separately. In addition, a separate sample of persons with extensive homosexual histories was selected from both the criminal and basic samples.
Kinsey and his works are now part of the story of the "American Century." Sensitive use of the archived interviews by historians as well as Kinsey's own life and views may offer us further insight into the sexual aspects of that story and the ways in which our sexual past has shaped our sexual present.
Reviewed by John Gagnon, Ph.D.

这本《中国性研究》共收有五十篇文字，有学术性的、也有通俗性的，全部是环绕在中国人性殖器官、两性肉体、两性观念而论述的，其中为了阐明新意，也偶羼进一点洋玩意。总括说来，这是一本革命性、启发性极强的著作。“生民以来，所未有也！”内容包括：准露奶头的德政、大义裸体、有奶没奶都是娘、“好为妇人出脱”、论难养的、鞭子缠身可也！、王八一落千丈考、王八过敏症、营妓考、国民党与营妓、――“军中乐园”的血与泪、国民党与“私窟子”、国民党“中乐园”及其他、写在《雏妓哲学家》的后面。

【基本資料】
* 書名：酷兒．情感．政治——海澀愛文選
* 著者：海澀愛（Heather Love）
* 編者：劉人鵬、宋玉雯、鄭聖勳、蔡孟哲
* 頁數：360頁
* 尺寸：17*19.8cm
* 定價：350元
* 出版日期：2012年12月17日
【本書介紹】
酷兒，污名，爛情感，殘缺壞主體
本書分為兩個部分。第一部分「倒退的政治」選編酷兒學者海澀愛近期關於情感與酷兒論述的六篇作品：檢視主流婚姻-家庭連續體的強迫幸福論述，以與時俱變不了的「老處女」挑戰女性主義進步史觀，置疑已在泛道德傾向裡僵斃死去的「他者論述」，思辨文學閱讀向來標舉的「細讀」與人文主義詮釋框架的問題性。第二部分「Feeling Bad in 2010」則紀錄了海澀愛訪台期間與台灣學界及運動界所進行的三場精彩對話，內容觸及酷兒的文化政治、殘障污名與性污名等情感政治的重要研究場域。
「你會很討厭自己的壞掉被同情嗎？」
在本書中，海澀愛關注「悲傷的系列」、「寂寞的人們」、「被輕賤的隊伍」，分析讓人裹足不前的悲傷與寂寞的社會性意義，對人道主義式的悲憫作出重重一擊。「流動」從來就不是自由自在人人平等的，正如人從來就不生而平等，所謂的邊緣他者，面對的是日日夜夜情感與身體「實實在在」的顛沛流離——會髒、會臭，會死，無從詩意化也無法輕易寄寓批判向上流動。我們所面對的，也不僅是暴力形式的驅除他者，人道／人文主義裡溫情脈脈的感同身受，溫馨同情悲憫，是更難覺察更為高明的收編。
讓我們一起下流
論述與情感都是有階序性的，憂傷、沮喪、妒恨是必須克服的負面情緒，憤怒不好，至少有助於凝聚行動，而倒退主體（源於生存處境裡處處的痛楚與難堪）的孤單與孤立感，則給力不了。海澀愛不在於擁抱孤單以肯定「不運動」的正當性，而是試圖面對運動和運動不了都存在著的「運動傷害」，看清拯救孤單與浪漫化孤單，其實是現代欲望的一體兩面。作為現代的負面性而存在的酷兒、污名、爛情感、殘缺壞主體，迫使我們必須看見，「進步」論述向上流動的欲望，如何分化我們／他們，如何讓個人的內在分裂，製造出鬱卒不前、壓根兒不渴望或根本無望於「進步」的不夠格他者。
夢十夜｜宋玉雯
作者與譯者簡介
附錄：「Feeling Bad in 2010： 酷兒 情感 政治 國際論壇」會議說明暨議程
【訂購資訊】
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Feeling Backward weighs the costs of the contemporary move to the mainstream in lesbian and gay culture. While the widening tolerance for same-sex marriage and for gay-themed media brings clear benefits, gay assimilation entails other losses--losses that have been hard to identify or mourn, since many aspects of historical gay culture are so closely associated with the pain and shame of the closet.
Feeling Backward makes an effort to value aspects of historical gay experience that now threaten to disappear, branded as embarrassing evidence of the bad old days before Stonewall. It looks at early-twentieth-century queer novels often dismissed as "too depressing" and asks how we might value and reclaim the dark feelings that they represent. Heather Love argues that instead of moving on, we need to look backward and consider how this history continues to affect us in the present.
Through elegant readings of Walter Pater, Willa Cather, Radclyffe Hall, and Sylvia Townsend Warner, and through stimulating engagement with a range of critical sources, Feeling Backward argues for a form of politics attentive to social exclusion and its effects.

No one raises an eyebrow if you suggest that a guy who arranges his furniture just so, rolls his eyes in exaggerated disbelief, likes techno music or show tunes, and knows all of Bette Davis’s best lines by heart might, just possibly, be gay. But if you assert that male homosexuality is a cultural practice, expressive of a unique subjectivity and a distinctive relation to mainstream society, people will immediately protest. Such an idea, they will say, is just a stereotype—ridiculously simplistic, politically irresponsible, and morally suspect. The world acknowledges gay male culture as a fact but denies it as a truth.
David Halperin, a pioneer of LGBTQ studies, dares to suggest that gayness is a specific way of being that gay men must learn from one another in order to become who they are. Inspired by the notorious undergraduate course of the same title that Halperin taught at the University of Michigan, provoking cries of outrage from both the right-wing media and the gay press, How To Be Gay traces gay men’s cultural difference to the social meaning of style.
Far from being deterred by stereotypes, Halperin concludes that the genius of gay culture resides in some of its most despised features: its aestheticism, snobbery, melodrama, adoration of glamour, caricatures of women, and obsession with mothers. The insights, impertinence, and unfazed critical intelligence displayed by gay culture, Halperin argues, have much to offer the heterosexual mainstream.

Halperin's subject is the erotics of male culture in ancient Greece. Arguing that the modern concept of "homosexuality" is an inadequate tool for the interpretation of these features of sexual life in antiquity, Halperin offers an alternative account that accords greater prominence to the indigenous terms in which sexual experiences were constituted in the ancient Mediterranean world. Wittily and provocatively written, Halperin's meticulously drawn windows onto ancient sexuality give us a new meaning to the concept of "Greek love."

与古人相比，我们今天在性问题上所面对的局面、所感到的困惑、甚至所见到的表现等等，实际上没有太大的不同。在中国传统文化中，对于性问题，长期存在着看起来是对立的两极：一极是重生殖、重子嗣、多妻和重人欲的；另极则是礼教，在宋代以后它成为在理论上必须严格遵守的社会规范，而且越来越带上明显的禁欲色彩。在上述两极的同时作用下，就产生了性张力。性张力问题说到底是社会在性方面如何进行制约、平衡的问题性问题是一个所有社会都共同面临的问题，《性张力下的中国人》不仅仅将关注焦点集中在古代中国人身上；同时也扩展、联系到现世的中国社会的种种性现象，从“性张力”这一角度重新审视中国人的性生活。