书中论述公域讲权力，私域曰权利；公域讲民主，私域言自由。这就是「群己界线」，或曰「群己权界」——「群」者，群体、社会公域也；「己」者，自己、个人私域也；亦即公共领域和私人领域要区分清楚。表示社会和个人都有自己的「权」，但它们的权又都有其界限。
自由在个人与群体间的分寸是非常精微的，严复当年用文言语句翻译穆勒的《论自由》时（On Liberty），将书名译作《群己权界论》。严复以「自繇」二字，将穆勒对个人尊严与自由的想法引介至中国，让近代中国的知识份子对于西方的自由思想，有了一个开创性的认识；并相当重视群与己之间的互动与平衡。
由一人一己之自繇，乃至一会一党之群体，须明白群己权限之划分，使不偏于国群而压制小己，亦不袒护小己而使国群受害，并强调自由民主制度的实施其实是涉及一个国家的形势与国民程度。对于自由的内涵、个人与群体、公域与私域间的权界，析论分明。

作者从阿伦特的名著《极权主义的起源》、《论革命》、《人的条件》、《耶路撒冷的艾希曼》和《精神生活》等文本入手，重构阿伦特思想的一致性和连续性，并结合当代国际政治和时事，如比较日本偷袭珍珠港和9·11事件，分析海德格尔与纳粹关系，中国与日本二战后的关系，并剖析布什及其政府的所谓反恐战争等，阐释了阿伦特思想的重要性。

本书共分五编，内容包括：现代民主的根源、反对派批评者、民主程序的理论、民主过程理论中存在的诸多问题、民主的局限性与可能性、朝向第三次转型等。

《重新思考自由主义》探讨了自由主义在过去和当前的各种变革，设想了新共和民主自由主义令人向往的未来贝拉米与从J．S密尔，经由T．H．格林、圭多．德．拉吉罗、卡尔-施米特、约瑟夫熊彼特．再到哈耶克、约翰罗尔斯、迈克尔．沃尔泽的自由主义理论家们一一论战他提出，现代社会的多元性及复杂性削弱了自由主义理论中社群主义的和道德的假设英国人头税政策的失败以及欧盟的宪政困境方面的有关研究证实了传统的自由主义民主概念己经不适用于当前的社会实际贝拉米借鉴了马克斯韦伯的做法，提倡重新用马基雅维里的政治观点来解决复杂形势下相互竞争的价值观造成的冲突然而，与韦伯不同的是，他的论述集中在马基雅维里思想的共和及民主层面他提出了一个共和对策．可以通过权力分散来限制任何观念及利益对其他观念和利益的统治．这样，每一个人都必须作出让步，以寻求各方都能接受的方案《重新思考自由主义》提供了一条走出十九世纪民族国家环境下特有的自由主义民主的准则和模式，进入适应新千年超国界及多元社会的、充满未知因素的民主自由政治的途径。

《政治自由主义》是以《正义论》蜚声世界的美国当代著名哲学家、被哈贝马斯誉为当代实践哲学史上“轴心式转折点”的哈佛大学教授约翰・罗尔斯的又一力作。在其中，罗尔斯继续并修正了他在《正义论》中发展出的公正观念，但是对其哲学基础进行了根本的修正。在其早期著作中，罗尔斯假定，秩序良好的社会是一个稳定的、在基本的道德信念上同质、在社会生活各方面存在广泛共识的社会，但是在现代民主社会中，互不相容、无法调和的宗教、哲学与道德学说，多元地共存于民主制度的框架之内，而且自由的制度本身就强化、鼓励着不同质的学说的多元化，并视之为自由社会的永恒状况。
自由而平等的公民如何既保有相互冲突、互不相容的生活观与世界观，又同时生活在一个稳定而公正的社会？这就要对“秩序良好的社会”有新的理解。秩序良好不再是社会归依于某种基础性的道德信念，而是共同认可的一种政治的正义观念：“这种正义观念、既是各种主流性的宗教、哲学与道德学说间的重叠共识的焦点，也是西方三百年来整个公共文让与思想运动――以宗教宽容为标志的宗教改革是其开端，而基本自由权优先性得到宪法的确立是其完成――的最后结果。

First published in 1978, this book rapidly established itself as a classic of modern Marxism. Cohen's masterful application of advanced philosophical techniques in an uncompromising defense of historical materialism commanded widespread admiration. In the ensuing twenty years, this book has served as a flagship of a powerful intellectual movement - analytical Marxism. In this expanded edition, Cohen offers his own account of the history, and the further promise, of analytical Marxism. He also expresses reservations about traditional historical materialism, in the light of which he reconstructs the theory, and he studies the implications for historical materialism of the demise of the Soviet Union.

In this stimulating work of political philosophy, acclaimed philosopher G. A. Cohen sets out to rescue the egalitarian thesis that in a society in which distributive justice prevails, people's material prospects are roughly equal. Arguing against the Rawlsian version of a just society, Cohen demonstrates that distributive justice does not tolerate deep inequality.In the course of providing a deep and sophisticated critique of Rawls' theory of justice, Cohen demonstrates that questions of distributive justice arise not only for the state but also for people in their daily lives. The right rules for the macro scale of public institutions and policies also apply, with suitable adjustments, to the micro level of individual decision-making.Cohen also charges Rawls' constructivism with systematically conflating the concept of justice with other concepts. Within the Rawlsian architectonic, justice is not distinguished either from other values or from optimal rules of social regulation. The elimination of those conflations brings justice closer to equality.

Robert Nozick's Anarchy, State, and Utopia is a powerful, philosophical challenge to the most widely held political and social positions of our age -- liberal, socialist and conservative. "Individuals have rights," Nozick writes in his opening sentence, "and there are things no person or group may do to them without violating their rights." The work that follows is a sophisticated and passionate defence of the rights of the individual as opposed to the state. The author argues that the state is justified only when it is severely limited to the narrow function of protection against force, theft and fraud and to the enforcement of contracts. Any more extensive activities by the state, he demonstrates, will inevitably violate individual rights. Among the many achievements of the work are an important new theory of distributive justice, a model of utopia, and an integration of ethics, legal philosophy and economic theory into a profound position in political philosophy which will be discussed for years to come.

《通论》与《通往奴役之路》，这些思想的两位奠定者——约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯和弗里德里希·冯·哈耶克，隔着一道巨大的深渊，凝视着彼此。这道深渊，拉开了我们这个时代最轰轰烈烈的经济学之战：政府是否应当干预市场。
两人同时从第一次世界大战的废墟之上研究商业繁荣和萧条的周期，却得出了截然不同的结论哈耶克认为，改变经济的“自然平衡”会导致严重的通货膨胀。凯恩斯认为，标志着一个周期结束的大规模失业和困难，可以靠政府开支来缓和。终其余生，两人始终无法认同对方的观点。二十多年中，两人通过信件辩论，通过公开发表的文章辩论，通过激烈的私下对话辩论，最终又通过他们热心的弟子约翰·肯尼思·加尔布雷思和米尔顿·弗里德曼代为辩论。
凯恩斯口才和魅力过人，对世界持有一种乐观的愿景：政府计划和管控能撑起经济。这一观点很快为大西洋两岸整整一代政治家和经济学家所接受。与此相反，哈耶克是个一丝不苟的逻辑家，他顽强地逆流而上，在市场倡导者和自由意志者中找到了支持。
从富兰克林·罗斯福到乔治·W.布什等数代政治家，在两位学者的想法之间摇摆不定。最终，这场争辩影响了数百万人的生命和生计。从大萧条到第二次世界大战，从战后恢复到当前，资深记者尼古拉斯·韦普肖特详细梳理了20世纪两位经济学巨人之间的这场论战。两位大师的不同愿景影响了世界经济的起起落落，迄今仍牢牢地掌控着它的走向。

现代性之政治叙事从实质上说是消解性的，是充满毒素的罂粟花。它们没有建设，只是批判，没有改良，只是否定，其历史的虚无主义和政治浪漫主义，只能使本来就步履艰难的中国现代政治走向更加危险的境地。因此，对于中国现代政治思想来说，关键的不是鹦鹉学舌地把西方的现代性思想理论搬运到中国，而是回到人家发育现代政治的优良传统之中，学习英美建设现代政治的真智慧，而不是法德反现代政治的伪问题。

《迈进"自由之门"的儒家:伯克利十年(1971-1981)》是杜维明先生早期学术生涯中的三部随笔作品中的第二部。杜维明70年代初短暂任教于普林斯顿大学之后，1971-1981年转赴伯克利，《迈进"自由之门"的儒家:伯克利十年(1971-1981)》所收文章是这一时期的心得随笔。伯克利十年，也是杜维明自动选择了一条符合儒家身心性命之学的“做哲学”(doing philosophy)的道路在伯克利执教和研习的十年。
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In this, the liveliest and most accessible one-volume life of Edmund Burke, Russell Kirk ingeniously combines into a living whole the private and the public Burke. He gives us a fresh assessment of the great statesman, who enjoys even greater influence today than in his own time. Russell Kirk was a leading figure in the post-World War II revival of American interest in Edmund Burke. Today, no one who takes seriously the problems of society dares remain indifferent to "the first conservative of our time of troubles." In Russell Kirk’s words: "Burke’s ideas interest anyone nowadays, including men bitterly dissenting from his conclusions. If conservatives would know what they defend, Burke is their touchstone; and if radicals wish to test the temper of their opposition, they should turn to Burke." Kirk lucidly unfolds Burke’s philosophy, showing how it revealed itself in concrete historical situations during the eighteenth century and how Burke, through his philosophy, "speaks to our age."
This volume makes vivid the four great struggles in the life of Burke: his efforts to reconcile England with the American colonies; his involvements in cutting down the domestic power of George III; his prosecution of Warren Hastings, the Governor General of India; and his resistance to Jacobinism, the French Revolution’s "armed doctrine." In each of these great phases of his public life, Burke fought with passionate eloquence and relentless logic for justice and for the proper balance of order and freedom. With sure instinct born of his sympathy and understanding, Kirk gives us the incisive quotation, the illuminating highlight, the moving, all-too-human elements that bring Burke and his age to vivid life. Thanks to Russell Kirk’s skillful evocations, Edmund Burke in these pages becomes our contemporary. "Because corruption and fanaticism assail our era as sorely as they did Burke’s time, the resonance of Burke’s voice still is heard amidst the howl of our winds of abstract doctrine."

Edmund Burke is both the greatest and the most underrated political thinker of the past three hundred years. A brilliant 18th-century Irish philosopher and statesman, Burke was a fierce champion of human rights and the Anglo-American constitutional tradition, and a lifelong campaigner against arbitrary power. Revered by great Americans including Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, Burke has been almost forgotten in recent years. But as politician and political philosopher Jesse Norman argues in this penetrating biography, we cannot understand modern politics without him. As Norman reveals, Burke was often ahead of his time, anticipating the abolition of slavery and arguing for free markets, equality for Catholics in Ireland, and responsible government in India, among many other things. He was not always popular in his own lifetime, but his ideas about power, community, and civic virtue have endured long past his death. Indeed, Burke engaged with many of the same issues politicians face today, including the rise of ideological extremism, the loss of social cohesion, the dangers of the corporate state, and the effects of revolution on societies.
He offers us now a compelling critique of liberal individualism, and a vision of society based not on a self-interested agreement among individuals, but rather on an enduring covenant between generations. Burke won admirers in the American colonies for recognizing their fierce spirit of liberty and for speaking out against British oppression, but his greatest triumph was seeing through the utopian aura of the French Revolution. In repudiating that revolution, Burke laid the basis for much of the robust conservative ideology that remains with us to this day: one that is adaptable and forward-thinking, but also mindful of the debt we owe to past generations and our duty to preserve and uphold the institutions we have inherited. He is the first conservative. A rich, accessible, and provocative biography, Edmund Burke describes Burke's life and achievements alongside his momentous legacy, showing how Burke's analytical mind and deep capacity for empathy made him such a vital thinker--both for his own age, and for ours.

研究政治发展的重要著作，特别是提出“政治稳定=政治制度/政治参与”的著名公式。研究Huntington，此书必读，断不可只跟潮流去看《文明冲突论》而不看此书。

"Porter's [book] has been long in the making and has been worth waiting for."—Peter Gay, Times Literary Supplement From the author of The Greatest Benefit to Mankind (winner of the Los Angeles Times Book Award) comes a "sumptuous and spicy volume" ( Washington Post Book World ) that highlights Britain's long-underestimated and pivotal role in disseminating the ideas and culture of the Enlightenment. In response to numerous histories centered on France and Germany, Roy Porter explains how the monumental transformation of thinking in Britain influenced worldwide developments. This "splendidly imaginative" work "propels the debate forward...and makes a valuable point" ( New York Times Book Review ). 16 pages of black and white illustrations

What holds America together? In this classic work, Russell Kirk describes the beliefs and institutions that have nurtured the American soul and commonwealth. Beginning with the Hebrew prophets, Kirk examines in dramatic fashion the sources of American order. His analytical narrative might be called "a tale of five cities": Jerusalem, Athens, Rome, London, and Philadelphia. For an understanding of the significance of America at the dawn of a new century, Russell Kirk's masterpiece on the history of American civilization is unsurpassable. This edition includes a new foreword by the distinguished historian Forrest McDonald.

Future Imperfect describes and discusses a variety of technological revolutions that might happen over the next few decades, their implications and how to deal with them. Topics range from encryption and surveillance through biotechnology and nanotechnology to life extension, mind drugs, virtual reality and artificial intelligence. One theme of the book is that the future is radically uncertain. Technological changes already begun could lead to more or less privacy than we have ever known, freedom or slavery, effective immortality or the elimination of our species, and radical changes in life, marriage, law, medicine, work and play. We do not know which future will arrive, but it is unlikely to be much like the past. It is worth starting to think about it now.