New York Times Best Seller
The epic successor to one of the most important books of the century: at once a retelling of global history, a scathing critique of contemporary politics, and a bold proposal for a new and fairer economic system.
Thomas Piketty’s bestselling Capital in the Twenty-First Century galvanized global debate about inequality. In this audacious follow-up, Piketty challenges us to revolutionize how we think about politics, ideology, and history. He exposes the ideas that have sustained inequality for the past millennium, reveals why the shallow politics of right and left are failing us today, and outlines the structure of a fairer economic system.
Our economy, Piketty observes, is not a natural fact. Markets, profits, and capital are all historical constructs that depend on choices. Piketty explores the material and ideological interactions of conflicting social groups that have given us slavery, serfdom, colonialism, communism, and hypercapitalism, shaping the lives of billions. He concludes that the great driver of human progress over the centuries has been the struggle for equality and education and not, as often argued, the assertion of property rights or the pursuit of stability. The new era of extreme inequality that has derailed that progress since the 1980s, he shows, is partly a reaction against communism, but it is also the fruit of ignorance, intellectual specialization, and our drift toward the dead-end politics of identity.
Once we understand this, we can begin to envision a more balanced approach to economics and politics. Piketty argues for a new “participatory” socialism, a system founded on an ideology of equality, social property, education, and the sharing of knowledge and power. Capital and Ideology is destined to be one of the indispensable books of our time, a work that will not only help us understand the world, but that will change it.

本书论述了资本主义世界经济体系，即现代世界体系的起源与发展的历程。现代世界体系发端于欧洲的部分地区，后来不断发展，逐渐把世界其他一些地区纳入其中，直至覆盖全球。作者认为，21世界中期资本主义世界体系将让位于后继的体系（一个或多个）。我们不能预测他会是一个什么样的体系，但能通过我们目前政治的和道德的活动来影响其结果。本书享誉西方学术界，是西方大学生必读的参考书。它不是一般的世界近现代史著作，而是一部整体地阐述近5个半世纪世界历史进程的综合性宏观论著。

本书以全新的视角阐述了15世纪以来资本主义世界体系自萌芽、产生，到发展、繁荣、衰落的历史过程。16世纪时，随着资本主义生产方式的发展，以西北欧为中心，形成“世界性经济体系”，即“资本主义的世界经济体”，它由中心区、半边缘区和边缘区三个组成部分联结成为一个整体的结构。自该体系形成之后，始终处于变动之中；其内部也经历了剧烈的斗争和不断的自我调节。该体系现已进入“混乱的告终”时期，势必要由一种具有更高生产效率和更合理的“收入分配制度”的新的世界体系取代。作者认为：到2l世纪中叶资本主义世界体系将让位于后继的体系，而我们目前的政治和道德的活动将对其结果有着重大的影响。本书的第一、二、三卷由高等教育出版社独家引进出版，第四卷尚待引进。

The focus, in common with other such texts, is on political economy. Economics arose in response to questions of political interest about national economy; and though economics has since found other applications as well, its vitality and development continue to stem from this central concern. The causes and effects of the way society organizes and regulates its economy-and the resulting debates over instability, inequality, joblessness, inflation, organizational incentives, and the rest-are main stuff of economics from here to China.

This landmark 2008 study provides an integrated analysis of China's unexpected economic boom of the past three decades. The authors combine deep China expertise with broad disciplinary knowledge to explain China's remarkable combination of high-speed growth and deeply flawed institutions. Their work exposes the mechanisms underpinning the origin and expansion of China's great boom. Penetrating studies track the rise of Chinese capabilities in manufacturing and in research and development. The editors probe both achievements and weaknesses across many sectors, including China's fiscal, legal, and financial institutions. The book shows how an intricate minuet combining China's political system with sectorial development, globalization, resource transfers across geographic and economic space, and partial system reform delivered an astonishing and unprecedented growth spurt.

In these 20 essays Albert O. Hirschman examines his own ideas, and economic development. They also bring perspectives on the material in his 12 previous books and essays. In the essays that open this collection, Hirschman reappraises points he made in such books as "Exit", "Voice and Loyalty", "The Strategy of Economic Development" and "The Rhetoric of Reaction". Subsequent essays re-explore the themes of Latin American development and market society that have occupied him throughout his career. Hirschman also forays into the likely impact, negative or otherwise, of the Eastern European revolutions of 1989 on the Third World, the on-and-off connections between political and economic progress, and the role of conflict in enhancing community spirit in a liberal democracy. Hirschman presents autobiographical fragments that reflect his deep involvement in some of the important events of this century. He recollects his flight from Hitler's Germany in 1933, his studies in Paris, his work with the antifascist underground in Italy in 1937-38, and his role in helping Varian Fry in Marseilles, in 1940, to rescue political and intellectual refugees from Vichy, France.

Conservatives in America have succeeded in casting government spending as useless profligacy that has made their economy worse, centering the policy debate in the wake of the financial crisis on draconian budget cuts. Americans are told that they need to live in an age of austerity since they have all lived beyond their means and now need to tighten their belts. This view conveniently forgets where all that debt came from. Not from an orgy of government spending, but as the direct result of bailing out, recapitalizing, and adding liquidity to the broken banking system. Through these actions private debt was rechristened as government debt while those responsible for generating it walked away scot free, placing the blame on the state, and the burden on the taxpayer. That burden now takes the form of a global turn to austerity, the policy of reducing domestic wages and prices to restore competitiveness and balance the budget. The problem, according to political economist Mark Blyth, is that austerity is a very dangerous idea. First of all, it doesn't work. As the past two years of trying and countless other historical examples show, while it makes sense for any one state to try and cut its way to growth, it simply cannot work when all states try it simultaneously: all that happens is a shrinking economy. Second, it relies upon those who didn't make the mess to clean it up, which is always bad politics. Third, it rests upon a tenuous and thin body of evidence and argumentation that acts more to prop up dead economic ideas and preserve astonishingly skewed income and wealth distributions than to restore prosperity for all. In Austerity: The History of a Dangerous Idea, Blyth demolishes the conventional wisdom, marshaling an army of facts to demand that we recognize austerity for what it is, and what it costs us.

This final work by a world-renowned economist will take its place among the classics of political economy Why do some economies do better than others? How does society encourage the kind of market economy that generates continually increasing incomes? How do particular styles of government affect economic performance? World-renowned economist Mancur Olson tackles these questions and others in what will surely be regarded as his magnum opus. Olson contends that governments can play an essential role in the development of markets. Reliable enforcement of private contracts and protection of individual rights to property depend on governments strong enough not to undermine them. His exploration of "market-augmenting governments" will stand as a cutting-edge work on economic growth and provide a useful framework in which to consider the Asian financial crisis and its aftermath. As Susan Lee noted in Forbes, "his pioneering insights might have won a Nobel Prize for Olson had he lived a bit longer." "Power and Prosperity is an important book, written with clarity and verve. It is a great misfortune that Mancur Olson is not here to respond to the debates that it will surely provoke." -The Wall Street Journal

This widely acclaimed book, first published in 1974, was a classic from its first day in print. Written in a direct, inviting way by Harry Braverman, whose years as an industrial worker gave him rich personal insight into work, Labor and Monopoly Capital overturned the reigning ideologies of academic sociology.
This new edition features an introduction by John Bellamy Foster that sets the work in historical and theoretical context, as well as two rare articles by Braverman, "The Degradation of Work in the Twentieth Century" (1975) and "Two Comments" (1976), that add much to our understanding of the book.

After World War II a select number of countries outside Japan and the West - those that Alice Amsden calls "the rest" - gained market share in modern industries and altered global competition. By 2000, a great divide had developed within "the rest", the lines drawn according to prewar manufacturing experience and equality in income distribution. China, India, Korea and Taiwan had built their own national manufacturing enterprises that were investing heavily in R&D. Their developmental states had transformed themselves into champions of science and technology. By contrast, Argentina, Brazil and Mexico had experienced a wave of acquisitions and mergers that left even more of their leading enterprises controlled by multinational firms. The developmental states of Mexico and Turkey had become hand-tied by membership in NAFTA and the European Union. Which model of late industrialization will prevail, the "independent" or the "integrationist," is a question that challenges the twenty-first century.

本书是一项理论导向的实证研究，其中的理论命题简洁扼要，相关的实证数据横贯中外、穿梭古今。研究显示，世界各国兴衰的背后都隐藏着一个制度的经纬逻辑，这不仅涉及政府这个纵向的制度安排，而且涉及市场这个横向的制度安排，特别是权力和市场之间孰先孰后的关系。其实，人类社会现代化的本质首先是基于现代科学理念而设置的现代性制度，然后才是器物层面的东西，并以此循环往复、不断演绎。从思想、制度到物质财富，全书抽丝剥茧，资证磅礴，系统地分析和展示了思想市场、制度进步与财富增长的因果关系。

《一篇读罢头飞雪，重读马克思》从现代资本与金融革命的问题出发，结合中国及世界社会政治与经济革命的漫长历史，重新叙述了马克思主义学说，以历史唯物主义方法，探寻中国千年兴衰的动因，并就当今世界经济危机、中国金融改革进行了发人深省的思考。
作者韩毓海用平实、生动甚至略带犀利的笔触，援引马克思著作中的精彩部分，充分解读了马克思对当今世界社会发展趋势以及经济危机的成功预测和判断。针对马克思的三部作品《资本论》、《法兰西内战》和《路易•波拿巴的雾月十八日》，作者引导读者沿着马克思的足迹解读资本主义、社会主义、货币、债务、道德、信用等，并反思马克思对上述问题的剖析有哪些现实指导意义，从而鞭策现代人要想看懂并解决政治、经济、社会发展问题，就要回归马克思。

In 1900 international trade reached unprecedented levels and the world's economies were more open to one another than ever before. Then as now, many people considered globalization to be inevitable and irreversible. Yet the entire edifice collapsed in a few months in 1914. Globalization is a choice, not a fact. It is a result of policy decisions and the politics that shape them. Jeffry A. Frieden's insightful history explores the golden age of globalization during the early years of the century, its swift collapse in the crises of 1914-45, the divisions of the Cold War world, and the turn again toward global integration at the end of the century. His history is full of character and event, as entertaining as it is enlightening.
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20世纪全球资本主义的兴衰