「資本主義」的名實，歷來言人人殊。本書不作抽象觀念與意識形態上的爭論，純從技術角度與事實層面著手，根據西歐、北美、日本的經驗事例，分析討論資本主義初起的生產與經營方式，以至其導致社會、經濟、政治全面改觀的具體歷史演變過程，而澄清作為牽連廣泛的「一種組織和一種運動」的資本主義現象的精神風貌。　這是一部資本主義生理發育史，體大思精，書法獨步中文與世界學術界。　全書並以「中國本位」命意，回顧與前瞻並重，為中國的過去與未來提供意義深重的意見。二十世紀以來，中國知識界雖然人人熟悉資本主義這個名詞，但是資本主義究竟在歷史上是怎樣發生、成長和變化的，則很少人有親切的認識。我們對於這樣重要的一個概念竟缺乏基本的知識，正是因為中國史學家在這一題目上完全交了白卷。現在這個缺陷已由作者填補起來了。　　　──余英時〈序〉

Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy is the most famous book by Joseph Schumpeter in which he deals with capitalism, socialism and creative destruction. First published in 1942, it is largely unmathematical, compared with neoclassical works, focusing on the unexpected, rapid spurts of entrepreneur-driven growth instead of static models.
The book is unusual insomuch as it was written to appear sympathetic to socialism, beginning with an account of Karl Marx, in order to encourage socialists to read it. Schumpeter hoped they would achieve self-recognition of the problems with socialism in the light of the book, without having to be explicitly told: if the book appeared to be favourable to capitalism, he feared socialists, his target audience, would not bother to read it.

Chosen by BusinessWeek as One of the Top Ten Business Books of the Year
With apologies to Hegel, Marx, and Lenin, the basic unit of modern society is neither the state, nor the commune, nor the party; it is the company. From this bold premise, John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge chart the rise of one of history’s great catalysts for good and evil.
In a “fast-paced and well-written” work (Forbes), the authors reveal how innovations such as limitations on liability have permitted companies to rival religions and even states in importance, governing the flow of wealth and controlling human affairs–all while being largely exempt from the rules that govern our lives.
The Company is that rare, remarkable book that fills a major gap we scarcely knew existed. With it, we are better able to make sense of the past four centuries, as well as the events of today.

本书以英国东印度公司为主要研究对象，较为完整和细致地勾勒了它从起步到发展至顶峰，再到成为殖民地统治代理机构的转变，最后逐渐瓦解的全过程。 全书共11章，首先介绍了不断崛起的诸国东印度公司，其次叙述了胡椒、肉桂等香料及棉织物的进口与销售，进而分析了英国东 印度公司的融资形式、组织架构、商品构成等，随后介绍了南海公司及其引起的金融危机，以及此后东印度公司的业务变化，最后述及东印度公司的性质变化及其瓦解的过程。在当今社会已经进入“脱工业化时代”这一时代背景下，重新回顾商业资本家的发展历程显得尤为必要,从这一点来看，本书对于现代商业经济也具有一定的参考意义。

城市的公共水资源建设和管理，是19世纪资本和权力博弈的有趣案例。作者指出，公共当局和私营公司既没有相同的利益也没有相同的目标，那么在涉及水资源这项事关重大的议题时，私人利益和公共利益究竟该如何取舍呢？在《君主与承包商：公共水设施的发展变迁》一书中，作者深入探究了19世纪的三个大都市，伦敦、纽约和巴黎的公共水网建设。

How can we benefit from the promise of government while avoiding the threat it poses to individual freedom? In this classic book, Milton Friedman provides the definitive statement of his immensely influential economic philosophy—one in which competitive capitalism serves as both a device for achieving economic freedom and a necessary condition for political freedom. The result is an accessible text that has sold well over half a million copies in English, has been translated into eighteen languages, and shows every sign of becoming more and more influential as time goes on.

在本书1982年版的序言中，我证实了舆论气氛的一次戏剧性的变动；这次变动，被1962年本书第一次出版时所遭受的待遇和我妻子与我在1980年出版的、表示同样哲理的后继著作《自由选择》所遭受的待遇之间的差异明白地显示出来。这次舆论气氛变动的发生部分是由于政府在经济上的作用在凯恩斯主义和最初出现福利国家的思想影响下的急剧扩大。在1956年，当我把我妻子帮我编成此书的讲稿进行讲授时，美国政府的预算开支——联邦的、各州的和地区的——占国民收入的26％。这笔支出的极大部分是用于国防。非国防的支出占国民收入的12％。25年以后，当此书1982年版出版时，总支出已上升到国民收入的 39％，而非国防的支出则增加了一倍以上，达到国民收入的31％。
舆论气氛的变化产生了它的效果。它给英国的玛格丽特·撒切尔和美国的罗纳德·里根的当选铺平了道路。对于人为造成的而又自我扩大的政府在经济上作用的膨胀，他们虽然无法制止，但是却能加以限制。美国政府的总支出的确稍稍下降，从1982年国民收入的39％降到2000年的36％，但是几乎所有的缩减都来自国防支出。非国防支出环绕着一个大致不变的水平波动：如1982年的31％，2000年的30％。
在1989年柏林墙倒塌和1992(应为1991年。——译者)年苏联瓦解时，舆论气氛得到同一方向的进一步的发展。这使得两种可供选择的组织经济的方式在约为70年间的试验中得到一个戏剧性的终结：究竟应该从上到下还是从下到上，即中央集中计划和控制还是私有制的市场，更通俗地说，社会主义还是资本主义。这次试验的结果已经在较小的范围内早已被一系列类似的试验预示出来：中国的香港、台湾对照中国大陆，西德对照东德，韩国对照朝鲜。但是，只有柏林墙的戏剧性的倒塌和苏联的瓦解才使得上述的结果成为一般共识的组成部分。从而，人们现在认为中央集中计划的确是“通往奴役之路”，正如弗里德里克 ·A.哈耶克于1944年出版的同一标题的卓越著作所争辩的那样。
美国和英国的情况也同样出现于其他西方发达国家。一个又一个的国家，都从二战后最初几十年的爆发式的社会主义过渡到爬行式或停滞式的社会主义。在所有这些国家中，当今的压力是趋向于给市场较大的作用，而给政府较小的作用。我的解释是：这种情况反映了实践长期落后于舆论的事实。二战后数十年中的、迅猛的社会化反映了战前舆论趋向于集体主义的变动；而最近过去的几十年的爬行的或停滞的社会主义则反映了战后舆论变化的早期效果；未来的非社会主义化将会反映由于苏联的瓦解而得以加强的舆论变化所造成的成熟效果。
对过去的发展中国家而言，这种舆论变化甚至还有更为巨大的影响。在最大的、剩下来的、公开宣称共产主义的国家——中国，影响也是如此。在 20世纪70年代的后期，由邓小平引进的市场改革，事实上大大地增加了产量并且把更多的市场成分引入了共产党统治的社会。这种有限的经济自由的增长已经改变了中国的面貌，明显地证实了我们对自由市场力量的信心。中国仍然远远不是一个自由社会，但是毫无疑问，中国居民要比在以往更为自由及富有——除了政治以外，在各个方面都更为自由。在政治自由方面甚至有了一些初步的、微小的增长的征兆，具体的表现为日益增多的农村干部的选举。中国还有很长一段路要走，但是它是朝着正确的方向前进。
在紧接着二战后的时期，标准的教条是第三世界的发展需要中央集中计划加上大量外援。正如彼得·鲍尔和其他人如此明确地指出的那样，这个公式不论在何处使用，它都遭受了失败；而东亚四只小老虎——中国香港、新加坡、中国台湾、韩国——所采用的市场导向的政策取得了巨大的成功。这些事实对经济发展产生了一个很不同的经济发展的理论。现在许多拉丁美洲及亚洲的国家，甚至非洲少数几个国家都采用市场导向的途径而让政府起着较小的作用。许多前苏联的卫星国家也采用同一方针。在所有这些事例中，经济自由的增长与政治自由和公民自由的增长已经携手并进，并导致了财富的增加，竞争的资本主义和自由是分不开的。这一切都与本书的主题相一致。
一个最后的个人方面的按语：对一本书的作者而言，在该书第一次出版40年以后能来评价他自己的著作是一件难得的幸事。我非常有幸得到如此做的机会。现在我也非常高兴看到我的这本书能够成功地经受了时间的考验，并且对今天的问题仍然具有如此重大的关系。如果有一个巨大之点需要改动的话，那就是以经济自由、公民自由和政治自由的三分法来替代以经济自由和政治自由的二分法。当我最初写完此书时，回归中国之前的香港使我认识到虽然经济自由是公民和政治自由的一个必要条件，但是政治自由，尽管为人们所企求，却不是经济和公民自由的一个必要的条件。以此而论，我认为：本书的一个重大缺点似乎是对政治自由的作用存在着不恰当的论述。在某种情况下，政治自由会促进经济和公民自由，而在另一些情况下，它却会约束经济和公民自由。
米尔顿·弗里德曼
斯坦福，加利福尼亚
2002年3月11日

In "23 Things They Don't Tell You About Capitalism", one of today's most iconoclastic thinkers destroys the biggest myths about the world we live in. It may have its flaws, but there's no real alternative to free-market capitalism - ultimately it's making us all more prosperous. The West is more efficient and financially savvy than the developing world. And technology is the way forward for everyone. Right? Wrong. This book will turn every piece of received economic wisdom you've heard on its head. It reveals the truth behind what 'they' tell you and shows how the system really works, including: There's no such thing as a 'free' market; Globalization isn't making the world richer; We don't live in a digital world - the washing machine has changed lives more than the internet; Poor countries are more entrepreneurial than rich ones; and, Higher paid managers don't produce better results. This galvanizing, fact-packed book about money, equality, freedom and greed proves that the free market isn't just bad for people - it's an inefficient way of running economies too. Here Chang lays out the alternatives, and shows there's a better way.

With searing wit and incisive commentary, John Kenneth Galbraith redefined America's perception of itself in "The New Industrial State, one of his landmark works. The United States is no longer a free-enterprise society, Galbraith argues, but a structured state controlled by the largest companies. Advertising is the means by which these companies manage demand and create consumer "need" where none previously existed. Multinational corporations are the continuation of this power system on an international level. The goal of these companies is not the betterment of society, but immortality through an uninterrupted stream of earnings. First published in 1967, "The New Industrial State" continues to resonate today.

The first comprehensive account of the growing dominance of the intangible economy
Early in the twenty-first century, a quiet revolution occurred. For the first time, the major developed economies began to invest more in intangible assets, like design, branding, R&D, and software, than in tangible assets, like machinery, buildings, and computers. For all sorts of businesses, from tech firms and pharma companies to coffee shops and gyms, the ability to deploy assets that one can neither see nor touch is increasingly the main source of long-term success.
But this is not just a familiar story of the so-called new economy. Capitalism without Capital shows that the growing importance of intangible assets has also played a role in some of the big economic changes of the last decade. The rise of intangible investment is, Jonathan Haskel and Stian Westlake argue, an underappreciated cause of phenomena from economic inequality to stagnating productivity.
Haskel and Westlake bring together a decade of research on how to measure intangible investment and its impact on national accounts, showing the amount different countries invest in intangibles, how this has changed over time, and the latest thinking on how to assess this. They explore the unusual economic characteristics of intangible investment, and discuss how these features make an intangible-rich economy fundamentally different from one based on tangibles.
Capitalism without Capital concludes by presenting three possible scenarios for what the future of an intangible world might be like, and by outlining how managers, investors, and policymakers can exploit the characteristics of an intangible age to grow their businesses, portfolios, and economies.

How the history of technological revolutions can help us better understand economic and political polarization in the age of automation
From the Industrial Revolution to the age of artificial intelligence, The Technology Trap takes a sweeping look at the history of technological progress and how it has radically shifted the distribution of economic and political power among society’s members. As Carl Benedikt Frey shows, the Industrial Revolution created unprecedented wealth and prosperity over the long run, but the immediate consequences of mechanization were devastating for large swaths of the population. Middle-income jobs withered, wages stagnated, the labor share of income fell, profits surged, and economic inequality skyrocketed. These trends, Frey documents, broadly mirror those in our current age of automation, which began with the Computer Revolution.
Just as the Industrial Revolution eventually brought about extraordinary benefits for society, artificial intelligence systems have the potential to do the same. But Frey argues that this depends on how the short term is managed. In the nineteenth century, workers violently expressed their concerns over machines taking their jobs. The Luddite uprisings joined a long wave of machinery riots that swept across Europe and China. Today’s despairing middle class has not resorted to physical force, but their frustration has led to rising populism and the increasing fragmentation of society. As middle-class jobs continue to come under pressure, there’s no assurance that positive attitudes to technology will persist.
The Industrial Revolution was a defining moment in history, but few grasped its enormous consequences at the time. The Technology Trap demonstrates that in the midst of another technological revolution, the lessons of the past can help us to more effectively face the present.

A compelling explanation of how the law shapes the distribution of wealth
Capital is the defining feature of modern economies, yet most people have no idea where it actually comes from. What is it, exactly, that transforms mere wealth into an asset that automatically creates more wealth? The Code of Capital explains how capital is created behind closed doors in the offices of private attorneys, and why this little-known fact is one of the biggest reasons for the widening wealth gap between the holders of capital and everybody else.
In this revealing book, Katharina Pistor argues that the law selectively “codesâ€� certain assets, endowing them with the capacity to protect and produce private wealth. With the right legal coding, any object, claim, or idea can be turned into capitalâ€"and lawyers are the keepers of the code. Pistor describes how they pick and choose among different legal systems and legal devices for the ones that best serve their clients’ needs, and how techniques that were first perfected centuries ago to code landholdings as capital are being used today to code stocks, bonds, ideas, and even expectationsâ€"assets that exist only in law.
A powerful new way of thinking about one of the most pernicious problems of our time, The Code of Capital explores the different ways that debt, complex financial products, and other assets are coded to give financial advantage to their holders. This provocative book paints a troubling portrait of the pervasive global nature of the code, the people who shape it, and the governments that enforce it.

Super Founders  uses a data-driven approach to understand what really differentiates billion-dollar startups from the rest—revealing that nearly everything we thought was true about them is false!
 
Ali Tamaseb has spent thousands of hours manually amassing what may be the largest dataset ever collected on startups, comparing billion-dollar startups with those that failed to become one—30,000 data points on nearly every number of competitors, market size, the founder’s age, his or her university’s ranking, quality of investors, fundraising time, and many, many more. And what he found looked far different than expected. Just to mention a  
You will also hear the stories of the early days of billion-dollar startups first-hand. The book includes exclusive interviews with the founders/investors of  Zoom, Instacart, PayPal, Nest, Github, Flatiron Health, Kite Pharma, Facebook, Stripe, Airbnb, YouTube, LinkedIn, Lyft, DoorDash, Coinbase , and  Square , venture capital investors like  Elad Gil ,  Peter Thiel ,  Alfred Lin  from  Sequoia Capital  and  Keith Rabois  of  Founders Fund , as well as previously untold stories about the early days of ByteDance (TikTok), WhatsApp, Dropbox, Discord, DiDi, Flipkart, Instagram, Careem, Peloton, and SpaceX.
 
Packed with counterintuitive insights and inside stories from people who have built massively successful companies,  Super Founders  is a paradigm-shifting and  actionable  guide for entrepreneurs, investors, and anyone interested in what makes a startup successful.

始于2008年的金融与经济危机因其惊人的蔓延速度而成为这代美国人一生中最为危急的事件。危机是怎么发生的，尤其在已经吸取了1930年代经济大萧条的教训之后？为什么人们事先没有预测出来，以采取挽救措施避免其发生或减轻其危害？可以用什么对策来阻止经济陷入深度萧条？为什么政府和经济学界到目前为止的应对举措如此乏善可陈？所有金融灾难事件及迄今所做的捉襟见肘的挽救努力的根源何在？理查德·波斯纳对这些问题给出了简明的、非技术化的解释。本书并不要求读者预先具备宏观经济学或者金融理论知识。这是一本写给涉猎广博的智识读者的书，它同时也会令专业人士感兴趣。
波斯纳在本书中阐明的事实与缘由包括：从亚洲流入美国的过剩资本以及美联储粗率执行的低利息率政策；企业经理人薪酬、短期收益目标和高风险借贷之间的关系；由低利息率、积极的抵押贷款营销和松懈的监管共同推波助澜吹起的房地产泡沫；美国人的低储蓄率；还有大型金融机构很高的负债资产比率。本书分析了两种基本的危机拯救方案，分别对应于解释1930年代经济大萧条成因的两种理论：货币主义理论，认为美联储放任了货币供给的收缩，因而未能阻止灾难性的通货紧缩；以及凯恩斯主义理论，认为经济萧条是1920年代信贷盛宴、股市暴跌以及随之而来的经济活力螺旋下降的产物。波斯纳结论认为，经济之摆摇动得太远了，应该较为严密地监管美国金融市场。这场灾难的根本原因在于自由市场的系统风险，因此，它可以说是资本主义制度的一次失败。

著名社会学家理查德·桑内特分析了传统工业资本主义和当今处于全球化转型中的资本主义之间的重大差异，以及这些差异对人们日常生活的影响：工作伦理已经渐趋改变；稳定的传统科层式大型企业逐步被新经济条件下的小型化企业所代替；重视熟练技艺（所谓匠人）和成就的传统价值观让位于更加注重潜能和才华的价值观；所谓的“无用的幽灵”正缠绕着专业人士和手工业工人；消费和政治的界线正在消亡。
新经济在摆脱僵化静态的科层组织的“铁笼”的同时，理应给个人提供一种新的自由模式，但桑认为并非如此，新经济带来了新的社会和情感创伤，能适应和得益于这种新资本主义文化的只是一部分人。这种新资本主义文化对个人的自我提出了新的要求：越来越要求来自更加简洁意义上的自我，注重潜能而不是已经取得的成就，人们必须轻视甚至放弃以往的经验，努力适应新经济的“改革”要求。