19～20世纪是人类最为辉煌的时期，人类的能力被各种科学大大地扩张了，他们不仅不断地征服自然，也在不断地征服自己。但是到了20世纪末期人们突然发现，在那些引以为自豪的项目背后，居然是人类巨大的灾难。斯科特在《国家的视角》中阐述了许多失败的项目，从德国的科学林业到苏联的农业；从巴西的城市到坦桑尼亚的村庄，每一个项目都很辉煌，但是带给人们的却是巨大的灾难。项目可能是一个很含糊的词汇，斯科特在书中用了另外一个术语——社会工程——更直接地传达了这些项目的特征。

Reassembling the Social is a fundamental challenge from one of the world's leading social theorists to how we understand society and the 'social'. Bruno Latour's contention is that the word 'social' as used by Social Scientists has become laden with assumptions to the point where it has become a misnomer. When the adjective is applied to a phenomenon, it is used to indicate a stabilized state of affairs, a bundle of ties that in due course may be used to account for another phenomenon. Latour also finds the word used as if it described a type of material, in a comparable way to an adjective such as 'wooden' or 'steely'. Rather than simply indicating what is already assembled together, it is now used in a way that makes assumptions about the nature of what is assembled. It has become a word that designates two distinct things: a process of assembling: and a type of material, distinct from others. Latour shows why 'the social' cannot be thought of as a kind of material or domain, and disputes attempts to provide a 'social explanation' of other states of affairs. While these attempts have been productive (and probably necessary) in the past, the very success of the social sciences mean that they are largely no longer so. At the present stage it is no longer possible to inspect the precise constituents entering the social domain. Latour returns to the original meaning of 'the social' to redefine the notion and allow it to trace connections again. It will then be possible to resume the traditional goal of the social sciences, but using more refined tools. Drawing on his extensive work examining the 'assemblages' of nature, Latour finds it necessary to scrutinize thoroughly the exact content of what is assembled under the umbrella of Society. This approach, a 'sociology of associations' has become known as Actor-Network-Theory, and this book is an essential introduction both for those seeking to understand Actor-Network-Theory, or the ideas of one of its most influential proponents.

《跳出我天地》里，比利·艾略特的工人父亲坚持认为男孩子应该学拳击，而不是跳芭蕾；《光猪六壮士》里，下岗的工人们告别钢筋水泥，在聚光灯下跳起脱衣舞却收到了意外的喜剧效果.....
啤酒、烟草、男性气概的业余爱好、幽默但粗野的对话.....是电影给我们展示的英国工人掠影。
而来自普林斯顿大学社会学系的保罗·威利斯教授采用田野调查的方法，通过展现一个工业城镇里12个出身工人阶级家庭的男孩从毕业前18个月到工作后半年这段时期内的学习生活经历，向我们解释了英国工人阶级的子弟为何选择继承父业——这就是《学做工》一书所呈现给我们的精彩内容。
2013年3月，《学做工》这本20世纪社会学、人类学和教育学的经典著作，终于由译林出版社推出中文版，威利斯先生也将首次和中国的读者见面。
本书是20世纪社会学、人类学和教育学的经典著作之一。第一部分是生动通俗的民族志的深度描写，第二部分是精辟透彻的理论分析，向我们解释了工人积极子弟之所以继承父业，不 仅是社会结构性因素再生产的结果，更是他们对学校主流文化做出反叛的一种反讽新文化生产的结果。中文本还收录了作者于2000年所做的访谈，以及专门为中国读者写的序言，有助于读者从一个比较历史的角度理解全球化背景下中国的青少年教育和失业问题。

简介
“舍生取义”，常常被用来赞美自杀的忠臣义士，但这决不意味着，只有“舍生”才能“取义”。毕竟，需要舍生的场合很少，但“义”却是每个人在生活日用、揖让进退之间都该看重的。作者通过对华北某县自杀现象的田野研究，在现实语境中重新思考中国文化中“生命”和“正义”的问题，从家之礼、人之义、国之法几个层次理解现代中国人的幸福与尊严。书中的基本主张可概括为“缘情制礼，因礼成义，以理成人，以法立国”。
前言与鸣谢
在我们家乡的方言中，“过日子”被称为“过晌”。我大概5岁的时候，跟着我姥姥到她的娘家村去服侍她的母亲。当时我姥姥刚过70，我的太姥姥96岁。我总是听姥姥说“过晌”、“过晌”的，就禁不住问，到底什么是“过晌”呢？面对这样幼稚的问题，大人们自然会哄堂大笑，却也难以给出一个让我满意的答案。我的困惑自然不会打消，不过时间久了，这个词听得多了，好像就忘了我的疑问。直到开始这项研究的时候，我忽然又想起了当年的那个问题，这个时候，我的姥姥也和当年的太姥姥一样年纪了。
在日常生活中，总是有一些司空见惯的词汇和说法，我们从来不去思考它背后的意义，因而也不会觉得有什么探讨的价值。但我们一旦认真对待这些词，就会发现，恰恰是这些看上去最平常的词，才有着巨大的力量。“过日子”和“做人”都是这样的词。我在2002年要下田野的时候，姥姥身体还非常好，没有什么病，知道我要到农村去作研究，就会和我讲起老家很多很多的事，使我恍惚间回到了二十多年前。到了农村里，我母亲不断帮我克服一个一个的困难，帮我理解一个一个自杀背后的理由，我也在不断品味着姥姥给我讲的那些事情和道理，“过日子”这个词就在我脑子里逐渐清晰了起来。我最终决定把它当作理解自杀问题的最重要的概念工具，因为它使我能最好地理解这些普通人的生与死。
因此，面对那么多自杀者的悲惨故事，我一直在以我姥姥的人生当作参照系；甚至在理解西方思想中的人生理论时，姥姥的一生都成为我最根本的思想源泉。但没想到，在我回国半年后，姥姥病倒在了床上；就在我的书写到最后关头的时候，她未能等到看一眼，在自己99岁生日前几天，就驾鹤西去了；而且，最为遗憾的是，我女儿的出生竟然与此凑到了一起，使我无法抽身赶回，只能在妇产医院旁边的十字路口烧一点纸钱。
在研究和写作当中，我以前一直觉得很平凡的姥姥，却显得那么伟大起来。姥姥于1908年出生在一个读书人家，经历了两度江山易主，以及日本侵华、大饥荒、文化大革命这些灾难。二十世纪六十年代，丈夫和公公相继辞世时，她五十多岁，带着五个未成年的女儿，我母亲是老四。我的太姥爷，也就是她的公公，走前的最后一句话是，一定要让几个女孩子读书。当时正是六十年代初，生活状况很不好，但她牢牢记住了这句话，变卖家产，甚至卖掉了祖上传下的珍宝，宁愿让邻里讥嘲她不过日子，也要使自己的五个女儿都读书成才。
姥姥一生虽遭际坎坷，而言谈举止未尝逾礼，乐观豁达，宠辱不惊，侍奉翁姑尽心尽力，教育后辈有张有弛，在远近乡里更是扶危济困，善名远播。最终求仁得仁，福寿百年。一个世纪的沧桑变幻，在她和她的家庭面前都变得苍白无力，烟消云散。中国人过日子的方式究竟有怎样的力量，在这位普通农妇的身上表现得淋漓尽致。
在我姥姥生病的这一年多里，我母亲就慢慢写下了姥姥的一生。我之所以要把她写的一些内容附在本书的最后，不仅是为了纪念老人家，更重要的是，希望能从正面，而不仅仅是自杀者这样的反面，来窥见现代中国人过日子的智慧和境界。之所以说是现代，是因为，虽然姥姥在我们看来还是太传统了，但她面对的问题完全是现代中国的问题；我们要解决自己的问题，一定可以从她那里学到很多。
正是因为姥姥对我的思考的重要意义，我违反了一般鸣谢的惯例，把自己家的人放在了最前面而不是最后，希望读者能够谅解。人到中年，在经历了一些事情，读了一些书之后，才会慢慢体会到中国思想的深厚，才知道日常生活是一部最值得读的书。希望此书在终结了我对自杀研究的同时，开启对“过日子”的更多思考。
当然，如果没有这些年读书的经验，特别是西学的思考，那些日常生活的力量还是很难显露出来的。在我的过日子和做人的过程中，诸多师友的提携与警醒都是必不可少的。正如本书中一再表明的，除了亲人之外，我们还需要师友和国家，才能为自己建构一个立体的人生格局，才能为过日子添加更多的味道。因此，我必须把崇高的敬意献给我的老师：慷慨豪爽的凯博文（Arthur Kleinman）教授和她的夫人凯博艺（Joan Kleinman）、温文尔雅的曼斯费尔德（Harvey Mansfield）教授、随和宽厚的屈佑天（James Watson）教授和他的夫人体贴的华屈若碧（Rubie Watson）教授、博学的卡顿（Steve Caton）教授、和蔼的古德（Byron Good）教授，使我在康桥的日子充满了各种色彩；而杜维明教授不仅直接为我提供了经济支持，也让我深深理解了中华文明在世界上的地位和困难。国内的王守常教授、刘小枫教授、甘阳教授、王铭铭教授、杨念群教授、萧国亮教授、景军教授则使我的一切思考都无法和中国问题割舍开来。
若是一一列举给过我帮助的朋师友，势必成为一个极为冗长的名单。但我还是要提到，李猛一如既往地和我一同深入对每个问题的思考，如果没有他，这本书的完成是不可能的，应星、王利平、徐晓宏则曾经和我同下田野，与我一起体会了实地研究的艰难与收获。吴增定、渠敬东、赵晓力、周飞舟、毛亮、强世功、汪庆华、郭金华，张跃宏、李诚等与我作了多次讨论，帮我修正了很多问题。此外，不得不提到的是，与我一同赴美的同学胡宗泽和我共同渡过了初到美国最艰难的阶段，是我永远不会忘记的；而林国华和郑文龙二兄使我没有陷入美国专业教育的泥沼中，也令我感激不尽。我特别还要感谢我的师妹何江穗。她曾经费尽辛苦，帮我将我姥姥口述的十几盘磁带录成文字。
回国之后，北大哲学系的赵敦华、陈来、张志刚、孙尚扬、尚新建、李四龙等教授为我新的研究和教学生活提供了极大的便利。更重要的是，初为人师的我逐渐开始进入一种新的伦理关系。得天下英才而教之已经成为我生活中极大的快乐。能够让学生们有所收获，已经成为我现在继续研究的主要动力。感谢我所有学生的理解和支持。
此外，还要感谢哈佛－燕京学社、弗里德曼基金会、香港中文大学研究基金、中国博士后科学基金、中国教育部留学回国人员科研启动基金对我的研究的经济支持。
本文中的一些章节陆续在一些刊物上发表过，在此感谢这些刊物允许此处重刊：1.1以“自杀中的‘正义’问题”刊于《社会学家茶座》第十八辑，2.1和2.3以“论‘过日子’”刊于《社会学研究》2007年第 6期，4.2以“夫妇之礼与家庭之义：一个个案分析”刊于《乡土中国与文化自觉》文集（三联书店，2007）。
吴 飞
2008年7月于北京

《汉译世界学术名著丛书》之一，主要是对闲荡于街头巷尾的意裔青年的生活状况、非正式组织的内部结构及活动方式，以及他们与周围社会（主要是非法团伙成员和政治组织）的关系加以观察是，并对这一观察过程、所获资料及结论的翔实而生动的记述。
本书作者于1936至1940年，对波士顿市的一个意大利人贫民区（即作者称之为“科纳维尔”的波士顿北区）进行了实地研究。他以被研究群体——“街角帮” 一员的身分，置身于观察对象的环境和活动中，对闲荡于街头巷尾的意裔青年的生活状况、非正式组织的内部结构及活动方式，以及他们与周围社会（主要是非法团伙成员和政治组织）的关系加以观察，并及时作出记录和分析，最后从中引出关于该社区社会结构及相互作用方式的重要结论。

在这部关于经济史和社会理论的经典著作中，卡尔·波兰尼分析了工业革命的大转型带来的经济和社会的巨大变化。他的分析不仅阐述了自我调适的自由市场的缺陷，而且阐述了资本主义市场带来的可怕的社会后果。新的序言和导言揭示了在全球化和自由贸易时代波兰尼的精辟分析所具有的新的价值。
当第二次世界大战接近尾声的时候，两本关于政治经济学的著作出版了。一本是哈耶克的《通向奴役之路》，它成为20世纪最后四分之一世纪里的自由市场革命的推动性力量。另一本是卡尔·波兰尼的《大转型》，它值得人们好好阅读，它是这个世纪最重要、最具创造性的著作，就扩展和加深对市场社会的批评而言，这个时代没有其他书比《大转型》做得更多了。

《单向度的人：发达工业社会意识形态研究》除导言外包括“单向度社会”、“单向度的思想”和“进行替代性选择的机会”三部分。作者通过对政治、生活、思想、文化、语言等领域的分析、批判，指出发达工业社会是如何成功地压制了人们内心中的否定性、批判性、超越性的向度，使这个社会成为单向度的社会，而生活于其中的人成了单向度的人，这种人丧失了自由和创造力，不再想像或追求与现实生活不同的另一种生活。

从十九世纪初开始，波希米亚开始在西方艺术界崭露头角，并渐渐成为世人瞩目的主角。它披着多种外衣，关乎天才、魅力与死亡，袭击了那些最富激情的年轻人。波希米亚人既是天才又是骗子，既是清教徒又是流浪汉，既是工作狂又是浪荡子。他们用口号、音乐、聚会反抗当时的权威社会，用不拘一格的装束凝聚起爱与和平的团结象征，用各种形式的艺术创新领导了文化先锋，用叛逆的生活方式传达着放荡不羁的人生态度。他们，就是我们曾经错失的波希米亚人。时至今日，波希米亚的影子无处不在。

一部堪称经典的社会学入门书。作者一反教科书面面俱到的写法，择要描绘了社会学的主要议题，充满人文关怀和反思性，深入浅出而不乏洞见，使初学者在轻松阅读中看到社会学事业的宏观图景。
——刘欣（复旦大学社会学系教授）
本书描绘的社会学是一种能够把个人情趣与追求真相的科学精神、专业智慧与常人关怀结合成一体的学科。社会学其实比一般人心中的形象更加精彩。作者所描述的社会学是那种能够发现人类行为的无比丰富性、能够在个中不以为奇的现象中展现专业洞见的学问——这种学问会多一些人文情愫，少一些枯燥沉闷。
——高丙中（北京大学社会学系教授）

In this new book, David Harvey seeks to determine what is meant by the term in its different contexts and to identify how accurate and useful it is as a description of contemporary experience.

From Scientific American
Who knew that elephant trunk tastes like piglet? Or that more than a millennium ago, a writer declared that Chinese "competed to eat their trunks, the taste of which is said to be fatty and crisp, and to be particularly well suited to being roasted." Elephants, it turns out, once roamed across nearly all of China, as did rhinoceroses. Indeed, for 1,000 years the standard armor worn by Chinese soldiers was made from rhino hide. Yet these days rhinos are completely extinct in China, and elephants linger only in protected enclaves in the far southwest of the country. China being China, everything has been carefully documented, so we know that these large mammals retreated gradually over the past 4,000 years, half a step ahead of smaller, two-legged ones. Mark Elvin, an Australian scholar, brilliantly uses that prolonged elephantine trail of tears as the guiding metaphor for his new book, The Retreat of the Elephants: An Environmental History of China. Frankly, I didn't know that I was interested in the history of Chinese elephants, or that I was yearning for an environmental history of China, until I read this book. But Elvin combines an illuminating account of the 4,000-year-long collision of humans and nature with delightful tidbits about everything under the Chinese sun. One could not have written such an environmental history about, for instance, Britain or Russia. From China's point of view, such countries are modern ingenues with barely any history to speak of. But in China, we hear, for example, that the Duke of Zhou, more than 3,000 years ago, drove "elephants far away" from the Yellow River valley. A record from 548 B.C. describes the ivory trade, and later we begin to get detailed accounts of battles over crops between peasants and elephants in, say, A.D. 962. Of course, just because something has been recorded does not mean it is true. One account from 1608 reports of trained elephants in the Ming Dynasty court: "If an elephant commits an offense, or injures a human, the imperial command will be issued for him to be beaten.... Only when the beating has been concluded will he rise to his feet to give thanks for the favor received.... In the sixth lunar month they are bathed and mated. The coupling takes place in the water with a female who floats with her face upward, in all respects like a human being." Hmmm. Floating face upward? So that's how Ming Dynasty historians made love. Elvin is particularly fascinating on the history of China's long wrestling match with water. Chinese civilization may have evolved out of efforts to irrigate the land, and there is an intriguing record of the quest to tame water and land, which would typically succeed for a while until the water rebelled. The problems were especially acute with the Yellow River, which was not called that in ancient times. Then, a little more than two millennia ago, the Qin and Han dynasties promoted farming along the upper reaches of the river, and the resulting erosion filled the water with sediment that made it muddy and gave it its present name. The sediment raised the riverbed until it was held in place only by man-made dikes that required constant attention--because the water, in essence, flowed aboveground, not below it. Periodically dikes broke, sometimes catastrophically. A flood in 1117 is said to have killed more than one million people, making it perhaps the worst such disaster since Noah. The Yellow River dramatically changed course in 1194, moving to the south of the Shandong Peninsula, until in 1853 it moved north again. Elvin meticulously recounts China's hydrology, so we learn, for example, that between 1195 and 1578 the Yellow River delta advanced only 39 meters a year (as sediment built up), whereas from 1579 to 1591 it advanced 1,538 meters a year. Sometimes the sheer weight of detail is numbing, particularly in later chapters offering case studies within China. Readers without an intrinsic fascination with China may find this a book to browse, not to read cover to cover. But as a window into the history of the Middle Kingdom, and an extended account of human interactions with the environment, this is a magisterial work. What gives this book special resonance is the impact China will have on the global environment in the coming decades. The industrial revolution in the West has been so destructive of nature that we should be wary of what the industrialization of China and India will mean. I congratulate my Chinese friends when they buy their first cars, one after the other, but collectively the result of Chinese industrialization will be to swallow up nonrenewable resources, to increase carbon emissions and presumably global warming, and to send acid rain drizzling down on much of the globe. Yet this book does not really illuminate the road ahead. Elvin tells us that it was originally intended to carry us to the present day, but he ends up pretty much grinding to a halt a couple of hundred years ago. The even more gruesome period since--and, brace yourself, the predations still ahead of us--will have to be the subject of a companion volume. Alas, the Chinese elephants have already been driven to the country's fringe and have nowhere else to go. And unless they figure out how to mate even when the female is not floating faceup in a pool of water, they're really in trouble.
Nicholas D. Kristof is a columnist for the New York Times. He won a Pulitzer Prize for his coverage of China and is co-author, with his wife, Sheryl WuDunn, of China Wakes: The Struggle for the Soul of a Rising Power.

Book Description
This is the first environmental history of China during the three thousand years for which there are written records. It is also a treasure trove of literary, political, aesthetic, scientific, and religious sources, that allow the reader direct access to the views and feelings of the Chinese people towards their environment and their landscape. Elvin chronicles the spread of the Chinese style of farming that eliminated the habitat of the elephants that populated the country alongside much of its original wildlife; the destruction of most of the forests; the impact of war on the environmental transformation of the landscape; and the re-engineering of the countryside through water-control systems, some of gigantic size. He documents the histories of three contrasting localities within China to show how ecological dynamics defined the lives of the inhabitants. And he shows that China in the eighteenth century, on the eve of the modern era, was probably more environmentally degraded than northwestern Europe around this time. Indispensable for its new perspective on long-term Chinese history and its explanation of the roots of China's present-day environmental crisis, this book opens a door into the Chinese past.

著名社会学家费孝通教授，一生行行重行行，实地调查和考察总结中国农村经济发展的各种模式，写下了诸多不朽篇章。本书推出的是学界共认的中国乡土社会传统文化和社会结构理论研究的代表作《乡土中国》、《生育制度》、《乡土重建》和《皇权与神权》四篇著作，可供社会学工作或教学、研究者参考。