《他者中的华人：中国近现代移民史》以大历史、大叙事的手笔，将中国移民走向世界的五百年历史，融会贯通于同期世界格局发展变化的大框架中，读来令人领悟深远。更重要的是，孔教授在展示全球华人移民五百年历史精彩画卷的基础上，有力论证了其重要观点: 海外华人历史是中国历史的题中应有之意，是研究中国历史不可或缺的组成部分。由是，海外华人研究被提升到新的境界。
从殖民统治者到被奴役的臣民，从独立后民族国家执掌大权的统治集团到洋溢民族主义激情的知识精英；从颐指气使的大富豪到埋头养家糊口的升斗小民，“华人”与周边“他者”之间呈现出错综复杂的互动关系。作为外来者，海外华人需要认识了解“他者”并与之共生共存；而后者同样也时时刻刻审视着这些远道而来的异乡人：他们是可以和平相处、共谋发展的新朋友，还是居心叵测的异类？他们究竟是带来新的利益和机会，还是潜在的麻烦制造者，或者简直就是不共戴天的敌人？漫漫数百年，移民与本地人互为“他者”，彼此之间有理解有依存，但也有竞争有对抗。在《他者中的华人：中国近现代移民史》一书中，孔教授再度展示了他在《叫魂》中熟练运用的社会心理剖析法，对华人移民置身其中的“他者”条分缕析。

节目将通过呈现当代30位不同女性的追梦历程、现实困境和平衡选择，让观众在过程中反观自己的选择与梦想，找到实现自身梦想最好的途径，发现实现自身价值的最佳的选择。

来自蒙古科尔沁旗的大玉儿（宁静 饰）从小被誉为“满蒙第一美女”，她和皇太极（刘德凯 饰）之弟、睿亲王多尔衮（马景涛 饰）从小青梅竹马、按许终身，却被皇太极纳为侧福晋，被封永福宫庄妃，与多尔衮成了叔嫂关系，但始终余情未了。皇太极突然驾崩，帝位之争风起云涌，掌握兵权的多尔衮成为皇太极长子豪格的最大敌手，却出乎意料拥护大玉儿之子福临（严昆 饰）即位，大玉儿至此成为孝庄太后。为了儿子的帝位、大清基业，孝庄始终和多尔衮保持若即若离关系，而为了太后的清誉，两人多年的炙热感情也只剩下发乎情止乎礼的遗憾。多尔衮英年早逝，孝庄也只能把痛苦埋在心底，用尽手段辅佐顺治帝的统治，而顺治遭遇爱妃董鄂氏（舒畅 饰）病故，萌发出世念头，孝庄不得已立顺治之子玄烨为帝，年号康熙，开创一代大清盛世。

统计指标的变迁，可以从一个侧面反映出统计工作的变迁，进而反映出整个经济社会的变迁。本书精选了国家统计局生产、发布的20个核心指标，涉及14个专业领域；每个指标的变迁内容大致由变迁简史、变迁亲历、变迁图谱和历年数据四部分组成。为大家了解和研究新中国统计发展史提供一个独特视角，更为大家正确理解和使用统计指标提供切实方便和有益帮助。

During the Cold War, several prominent African American radical activist-intellectuals—including W.E.B. and Shirley Graham Du Bois, journalist William Worthy, Marxist feminist Vicki Garvin, and freedom fighters Mabel and Robert Williams—traveled and lived in China. There, they used a variety of media to express their solidarity with Chinese communism and to redefine the relationship between Asian struggles against imperialism and black American movements against social, racial, and economic injustice. In The East Is Black, Taj Frazier examines the ways in which these figures and the Chinese government embraced the idea of shared struggle against U.S. policies at home and abroad. He analyzes their diverse cultural output (newsletters, print journalism, radio broadcasts, political cartoons, lectures, and documentaries) to document how they imagined communist China’s role within a broader vision of a worldwide anticapitalist coalition against racism and imperialism.

In February 2003, a Chinese physician crossed the border between mainland China and Hong Kong, spreading Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS)—a novel flu-like virus—to over a dozen international hotel guests. SARS went on to kill about 800 people and sicken 8,000 worldwide. By July 2003 the disease had disappeared, but it left an indelible change on public health in China. The Chinese public health system, once famous for its grassroots, low-technology approach, was transformed into a globally-oriented, research-based, scientific endeavor.
In Infectious Change, Katherine A. Mason investigates local Chinese public health institutions in Southeastern China, examining how the outbreak of SARS re-imagined public health as a professionalized, biomedicalized, and technological machine—one that frequently failed to serve the Chinese people. Mason recounts the rapid transformation as young, highly trained biomedical scientists flooded into local public health institutions, replacing bureaucratic government inspectors who had dominated the field for decades. Infectious Change grapples with how public health in China was reinvented into a prestigious profession in which global impact and recognition were paramount—and service to vulnerable local communities was secondary.

The Internet was supposed to be an antidote to authoritarianism. It can enable citizens to express themselves freely and organize outside state control. Yet while online activity has helped challenge authoritarian rule in some cases, other regimes have endured: no movement comparable to the Arab Spring has arisen in China. In Contesting Cyberspace in China, Rongbin Han offers a powerful counterintuitive explanation for the survival of the world’s largest authoritarian regime in the digital age.
Han reveals the complex internal dynamics of online expression in China, showing how the state, service providers, and netizens negotiate the limits of discourse. He finds that state censorship has conditioned online expression, yet has failed to bring it under control. However, Han also finds that freer expression may work to the advantage of the regime because its critics are not the only ones empowered: the Internet has proved less threatening than expected due to the multiplicity of beliefs, identities, and values online. State-sponsored and spontaneous pro-government commenters have turned out to be a major presence on the Chinese internet, denigrating dissenters and barraging oppositional voices. Han explores the recruitment, training, and behavior of hired commenters, the “fifty-cent army,” as well as group identity formation among nationalistic Internet posters who see themselves as patriots defending China against online saboteurs. Drawing on a rich set of data collected through interviews, participant observation, and long-term online ethnography, as well as official reports and state directives, Contesting Cyberspace in China interrogates our assumptions about authoritarian resilience and the democratizing power of the Internet.

本片由5万8千张实拍照片组成，耗时6年，是一部表现女性题材的国产纯手工定格动画长片
在一个不允许女鞋怪物工作的男鞋世界里，因害怕女鞋怪物体内蕴藏的植物原力，新生的女鞋必须立即执行变性手术变为男鞋投入生产。
一只被关押在监狱里的高跟鞋妈妈为了不让自己即将出生的女儿被变性，逃出监狱并杀死了男鞋监狱长，她把监狱长的尸体做成一件男鞋皮囊，伪装成男鞋进入男鞋世界里工作。
一次意外暴露身份后，她遭到无尽的折磨与打击，最终发现了体内蕴藏的植物原力，于是踏上为女复仇的道路……

本书首先提出并界定了“软性调控”概念，然后，以浙江省诸暨市的调查为基础，深入细致地论述了地方政府软性调控私营企业劳资关系的主要做法、软性调控的运作机制和软性调控的四种综合性效果。本书弥补了对“浙江经验”以及劳资关系研究中对政府作用研究的不足。

This book takes a comparative look at China's labor pains and the reforms taking shape in their wake. Some recent developments in China - rising strike levels, a surge of union organizing, and a raft of reforms - seem to echo the American New Deal experience. But even as China's leaders hope to replicate the prosperity and stability that flowed from the New Deal labor reforms, they are irrevocably opposed to the independent trade unions that were the central actors in both spurring and carrying out those reforms. In China the specter of an independent labor movement both drives and constrains every facet of China's labor policy, both its reforms and its use of repression. If China's workers get their New Deal, it will be a New Deal with "Chinese characteristics," very unlike what workers in the West achieved in the mid-20th century.

China is a vast nation comprised of hundreds of distinct ethnic communities, each with its own language, history, and culture. Today the government of China recognizes just 56 ethnic nationalities, or minzu, as groups entitled to representation. This controversial new book recounts the history of the most sweeping attempt to sort and categorize the nation's enormous population: the 1954 Ethnic Classification project (minzu shibie). Thomas S. Mullaney draws on recently declassified material and extensive oral histories to describe how the communist government, in power less than a decade, launched this process in ethnically diverse Yunnan. Mullaney shows how the government drew on Republican-era scholarship for conceptual and methodological inspiration as it developed a strategy for identifying minzu and how non-Party-member Chinese ethnologists produced a "scientific" survey that would become the basis for a policy on nationalities.

在20世纪，民族国家主导了各种政体和民族的组织方式和身份认同，其权威性和力量非其他的观念可比，与其他时代也很不相同。一个没有民族国家概念的世界，或者不是以民族国家为区分单位的地球是很难想像的。民族国家成功地证明了它组织世界的能力，将社会团体限制在其疆域内，屏蔽了所有可能质疑事物当前状态的观念。
随着全球化的爆炸性发展，民族国家似乎正面临衰退的命运。但《民族的构建》的作者们发现，这种“民族国家衰退论”更多代表着西方人的想法，而不是亚洲人的。对亚洲人而言，在整个19世纪和20世纪，国家的边界已经从很多方面被渗透了：帝国主义的军事侵略，外国政府的殖民统治，传教士的宗教劝导，在国外关税法则管理下的大规模贸易和对外国文化的追捧。这些力量既渗透了也勾画着国家边界线，它所形成的疆域正是民族身份认同所依据的地理空间。亚洲民族的现代史与全球化或者说帝国主义的历史是分不开的，而且这还远未结束。
但这并不意味着东西方关系是亚洲民族国家和民族主义出现的唯一动因。民族大业的兴起，往往与亚洲内部的张力相关，而不是因为亚洲与西方之间千丝万缕的联系。世界体系也许推动了争取现代民族身份认同的斗争，但并没有设定这些斗争的结果。

在学生时代的初恋秋雅（王智 饰）的婚礼上，毕业后吃软饭靠老婆养的夏洛（沈腾 饰）假充大款，出尽其丑，中间还被老婆马冬梅（马丽 饰）戳穿暴捶。混乱之中，夏洛意外穿越时空，回到了1997年的学生时代的课堂里。他懵懵懂懂，以为是场真实感极强的梦，于是痛揍王老师，强吻秋雅，还尝试跳楼让自己醒来。当受伤的他从病床上苏醒时，他意识到自己真的穿越了时空。既然有机会重新来过，那不如好好折腾一回。他勇敢追求秋雅、奚落优等生袁华（尹正 饰）、拒绝马冬梅的死缠烂打。后来夏洛凭借“创作”朴树、窦唯等人的成名曲而进入娱乐圈。
他的人生发生翻天覆地的巨变，但是内心某个地方却越来越感到空虚……