Work and Revolution in France is particularly appropriate for students of French history interested in the crucial revolutions that took place in 1789, 1830, and 1848. Sewell has reconstructed the artisans' world from the corporate communities of the old regime, through the revolutions in 1789 and 1830, to the socialist experiments of 1848. Research has revealed that the most important class struggles took place in craft workshops, not in 'dark satanic mills'. In the 1830s and 1840s, workers combined the collectivism of the corporate guild tradition with the egalitarianism of the revolutionary tradition, producing a distinct artisan form of socialism and class consciousness that climaxed in the Parisian Revolution of 1848. The book follows artisans into their everyday experience of work, fellowship, and struggles and places their history in the context of wider political, economic, and social developments. Sewell analyzes the 'language of labor' in the broadest sense, dealing not only with what the workers and others wrote and said about labour but with the whole range of institutional conventions, economic practices, social struggles, ritual gestures, customs, and actions that gave the workers' world a comprehensive shape.

Fascists presents a theory of fascism based on intensive analysis of the men and women who became fascists. It covers the six European countries in which fascism became most dominant - Italy, Germany, Austria, Hungary, Romania and Spain. It is a comprehensive analysis of who fascists actually were, what beliefs they held and what actions they committed. The book suggests that fascism was essentially a product of post World War I conditions in Europe and is unlikely to re-appear in its classic garb in the future. Nonetheless, elements of its ideology remain relevant to modern conditions and are now re-appearing, though mainly in different parts of the world.

Modern Japan offers us a view of a highly developed society with its own internal logic. Eiko Ikegami makes this logic accessible to us through a sweeping investigation into the roots of Japanese organizational structures. She accomplishes this by focusing on the diverse roles that the samurai have played in Japanese history. From their rise in ancient Japan, through their dominance as warrior lords in the medieval period, and their subsequent transformation to quasi-bureaucrats at the beginning of the Tokugawa era, the samurai held center stage in Japan until their abolishment after the opening up of Japan in the mid-nineteenth century. This book demonstrates how Japan's so-called harmonious collective culture is paradoxically connected with a history of conflict. Ikegami contends that contemporary Japanese culture is based upon two remarkably complementary ingredients, honorable competition and honorable collaboration. The historical roots of this situation can be found in the process of state formation, along very different lines from that seen in Europe at around the same time. The solution that emerged out of the turbulent beginnings of the Tokugawa state was a transformation of the samurai into a hereditary class of vassal-bureaucrats, a solution that would have many unexpected ramifications for subsequent centuries. Ikegami's approach, while sociological, draws on anthropological and historical methods to provide an answer to the question of how the Japanese managed to achieve modernity without traveling the route taken by Western countries. The result is a work of enormous depth and sensitivity that will facilitate a better understanding of, and appreciation for, Japanese society.

The seventeenth century was called the Dutch Golden Age. Over the course of eighty years, the tiny United Provinces of the Netherlands overthrew Spanish rule and became Europe's dominant power. Eventually, though, Dutch hegemony collapsed as quickly as it had risen. In The Familial State, Julia Adams explores the role that Holland's great families played in this dramatic history. She charts how family patriarchs-who were at the time both state-builders and merchant capitalists-shaped the first great wave of European colonialism, which in turn influenced European political development in innovative ways.On the basis of massive archival work, Adams arrives at a profoundly gendered reading of the family/power structure of the Dutch elite and their companies, in particular the VOC or Dutch East India Company. In the United Provinces, she finds the first example of the power structure that would dominate the transitional states of early modern Europe-the "familial state." This organizational structure is typified, in her view, by "paternal political rule and multiple arrangements among the family heads."

Product Description
It is a commonplace claim of Western political discourse that capitalist development and democracy go hand in hand. Cross-national statistical research on political democracy supports this claim. By contrast, comparative historical studies carried out within a political economy approach argue that economic development was and is compatible with multiple political forms.
The authors offer a fresh and persuasive resolution to the controversy arising out of these contrasting traditions. Focusing on advanced industrial countries, Latin America, and the Caribbean, they find that the rise and persistence of democracy cannot be explained either by an overall structural correspondence between capitalism and democracy or by the role of the bourgeoisie as the agent of democratic reform. Rather, capitalist development is associated with democracy because it transforms the class structure, enlarging the working and middle classes, facilitating their self-organization, and thus making it more difficult for elites to exclude them. Simultaneously, development weakens the landed upper class, democracy's most consistent opponent.
The relationship of capitalist development to democracy, however, is not mechanical. As the authors show, it depends on a complex interplay of three clusters of power: the balance of power among social classes, power relations between the state and society, and transnational structures of economic and political power. Looking to the future, the book concludes with some reflections on current prospects for the development of stable democracy in Latin America and Eastern Europe.

Some of the most important questions of the social sciences in the twentieth century have been posed by scholars working at the intersections of social theory and history viewed on a grand scale. The core essays of this book focus on the careers and contributions of nine of these scholars: Marc Bloch, Karl Polanyi, S. N. Eisenstadt, Reinhard Bendix, Perry Anderson, E. P. Thompson, Charles Tilly, Immanuel Wallerstein, and Barrington Moore, Jr. The essays convey a vivid sense of the vision and values each of these major scholars brings (or bought) to his work and analyze and evaluate the research designs and methods each used in his most important works. The introduction and conclusion discuss the long-running tradition of historically grounded research in sociology, while the conclusion also provides a detailed discussion and comparison of three recurrent strategies for bringing historical evidence and theoretical ideas to bear upon one another. informative, thought-provoking, and unusually practical, the book offers fascinating and relevant reading to sociologists, social historians, historically oriented political economists, and anthropologists - and, indeed, to anyone who wants to learn more about the ideas and methods of some of the best-known scholars in the modern social sciences.

In the The Confucian-Legalist State, Dingxin Zhao offers a radically new analysis of Chinese imperial history from the eleventh century BCE to the fall of the Qing dynasty. This study first uncovers the factors that explain how, and why, China developed into a bureaucratic empire under the Qin dynasty in 221 BCE. It then examines the political system that crystallized during the Western Han dynasty, a system that drew on China's philosophical traditions of Confucianism and Legalism. Despite great changes in China's demography, religion, technology, and socioeconomic structures, this Confucian-Legalist political system survived for over two millennia. Yet, it was precisely because of the system's resilience that China, for better or worse, did not develop industrial capitalism as Western Europe did, notwithstanding China's economic prosperity and technological sophistication beginning with the Northern Song dynasty.
In examining the nature of this political system, Zhao offers a new way of viewing Chinese history, one that emphasizes the importance of structural forces and social mechanisms in shaping historical dynamics. As a work of historical sociology, The Confucian-Legalist State aims to show how the patterns of Chinese history were not shaped by any single force, but instead by meaningful activities of social actors which were greatly constrained by, and at the same time reproduced and modified, the constellations of political, economic, military, and ideological forces. This book thus offers a startling new understanding of long-term patterns of Chinese history, one that should trigger debates for years to come among historians, political scientists, and sociologists.
本书旨在对中国历史的范式进行社会学分析。我用“中国”一词来指代一个随着时间而发生变化的区域。在这一区域中，汉字是书面交流的主要形式，而生活在其中的居民对尽管变动但可认知的文化复合体表现出认同。这也就是中华文明。本书由四部分组成，其中，第一部分由简介和理论组成。第2章和第3章则构成了全书的第二部分，它详述了中华文明中形成阶段中的西周时期之政治、社会、知识和经济背景（大约1045-771BCE），并讨论了西周时期的地理和气候条件。第三部分（第4-8章）是本书的核心，涵盖了中国从春秋战国时期到西汉王朝（206BCE-8CE）前期的历史。在时间段上，春秋战国时期与东周时期（770-249BCE）大体相当，周室的权力和影响力逐渐式微的这一时期便是东周时期，而后群雄并起的战国乱世最终为秦所统一。组成第三部分的章节审视了这一时期被激发起来或至少发挥了作用的力量：分别是随着秦统一中国和西汉儒法国家的奠基这一时期形成的中国哲学、市场关系和官僚制帝国。
同蒂利（Charles Tilly）一致，本书将“国家”定义为“一种与家庭和亲缘团体不同，且在某些方面明显强于其实际领土内所有其他组织的强制性组织”。本书对“帝国”定义的使用则更具限制，它指的是一种对许多都城中心和巨大内陆腹地实行统治的前现代农业国家，帝国有效的将其统治的法律适用于不同的族群，而且由于在前现代社会中，国家的基础能力有限，帝国仅能对地方群落和边境地区实施间接统治。
自中国西汉时期出现的儒法政治体系延续了两千年。这里的“延续”绝不是说这一政治体系在两千年的历史中一成不变，而是说在某种程度上，这一政治体系的特质对统治者和精英有着持续的吸引力，而且这一体系本身是足够灵活的，使得自汉代以降的中国历代王朝的统治者和精英可以对其加以改造而不是完全抛弃它。正是由于这一适应性的存在，且不论优劣，尽管中国繁荣的经济和发达的科技发端于北宋时期（960-1127），然而中国后来并没有发展出像西欧那样的工业资本主义。由于儒法政治体系的持续存在和中国工业资本主义发展出现的可能性已经广为各个学科领域的研究者所详述，因此我决定在第四部分的四个简短章节（第10-13章）中探讨一个更有扩展性结论：儒法国家是如何从本书所述的理论框架中规范中国历史的？
我在本书的写作中，亦是为了通过在迈克尔·曼（Michael Mann）的韦伯式理论中引入竞争和冲突的逻辑来发展一种解释历史变迁的理论：通过整合结构性分析和以机制为基础的解释，并且将历史时间性作为一个关键组成部分引入本书的叙述、说明和解释当中，以此寻求建构出一种新的社会学研究。

In this collection of essays, Theda Skocpol, author of the award-winning book States and Social Revolutions (1979), updates her arguments about social revolutions. How are we to understand recent revolutionary upheavals in countries across the globe? Why have social revolutions happened in some countries, but not in others that seem similar? Skocpol shows how she and other scholars have used ideas about states and societies to identify the particular types of regimes that are susceptible to the growth of revolutionary movements and vulnerable to transfers of state power to revolutionary challengers. Skocpol engages in thoughtful dialogue with critics, and she suggests how culture and ideology can properly be incorporated into historical and comparative studies. She also vigorously defends the value of an institutionalist, comparative and historical approach against recent challenges from Marxists, rational choice theorists, and culturally oriented interpreters of particular revolutions.

Sociology began as a historical discipline, created by Marx, Weber and others, to explain the emergence and consequences of rational, capitalist society. Today, the best historical sociology combines precision in theory-construction with the careful selection of appropriate methodologies to address ongoing debates across a range of subfields.
This innovative book explores what sociologists gain by treating temporality seriously, what we learn from placing social relations and events in historical context. In a series of chapters, readers will see how historical sociologists have addressed the origins of capitalism, revolutions and social movements, empires and states, inequality, gender and culture. The goal is not to present a comprehensive history of historical sociology; rather, readers will encounter analyses of exemplary works and see how authors engaged past debates and their contemporaries in sociology, history and other disciplines to advance our understanding of how societies are created and remade across time.
This illuminating book is designed for use in graduate and advanced undergraduate courses as an introduction to historical sociology and as a guide to employing historical analysis across the discipline.

The book considers the past accomplishments and future agendas of comparative-historical research in the social sciences. It defines the distinctiveness of this type of research and explores its strengths in explaining important outcomes (e.g. revolutions, social provision, democracy) in the world. It includes sections on substantive research accomplishments, methodology, and theory, and features essays by some of the most important political scientists and sociologists currently working.
This review of the accomplishments and future agendas of comparative historical research in the social sciences explores its strengths in explaining important worldwide outcomes (e.g., revolutions, social provision, democracy). It includes sections on substantive research accomplishments, methodology, and theory, and features essays by some of the most important political scientists and sociologists currently working.

本书通过比较东西方两个相似历史时段，即秦国统一前的春秋战国时期和拿破仑征服欧洲失败前的时期，提出了一个关于世界政治的动态理论，分别利用古代中国和近代早期欧洲的历史检验了动态理论，集中关注了该理论对国家形成的意义，强调了国际关系学与比较政治学的不可分割，并从动态理论的角度对世界政治转型进行了思考。
译者序
中文版前言
致谢
第一章 世界政治的动态理论
第二章 春秋战国时期的国际政治动力学
第三章 反思近代早期欧洲的国际政治动力学
第四章 国家形成和转型的动力学
第五章 结论与意义
附录一 近代早期欧洲（1495-1915年）有大国卷入的战争一览表
附录二 春秋战国时期（公元前656-前221年）有大国卷入的战争一览表
附录三 有大国卷入的战争一览表的操作标准
附录四 中国历史年表
参考文献

What can the great crises of the past teach us about contemporary revolutions? Arguing from an exciting and original perspective, Goldstone suggests that great revolutions were the product of 'ecological crises' that occurred when inflexible political, economic, and social institutions were overwhelmed by the cumulative pressure of population growth on limited available resources. Moreover, he contends that the causes of the great revolutions of Europe--the English and French revolutions--were similar to those of the great rebellions of Asia, which shattered dynasties in Ottoman Turkey, China, and Japan. The author observes that revolutions and rebellions have more often produced a crushing state orthodoxy than liberal institutions, leading to the conclusion that perhaps it is vain to expect revolution to bring democracy and economic progress. Instead, contends Goldstone, the path to these goals must begin with respect for individual liberty rather than authoritarian movements of 'national liberation.' Arguing that the threat of revolution is still with us, Goldstone urges us to heed the lessons of the past. He sees in the United States a repetition of the behavior patterns that have led to internal decay and international decline in the past, a situation calling for new leadership and careful attention to the balance between our consumption and our resources. Meticulously researched, forcefully argued, and strikingly original, Revolutions and Rebellions in the Early Modern World is a tour de force by a brilliant young scholar. It is a book that will surely engender much discussion and debate.

《为什么？》是一本关于我们所给定的理由以及这些理由如何给定的书。它考察我们在日常生活中给出的理由如何取决于社会关系，并反过来构建社会关系。本书以简易平实的风格探讨了人们如何通过不同的理由来确认、建立、协商、修复或终止与他人的关系。
蒂利考察了人们所给出的大量不同类型的原 因。例如，他描述了一个空中交通管制员如何根据说话对象的转换，以不同方式解释两架飞机的几近失踪：对于在鸡尾酒会上碰到的熟人，他可能以一种无所谓的口吻说“这种事三天两头都会发生”，或对已曝光的事件天马行空、侃侃而谈；对于工作中的同事，他会试着做出一番、更专业的解释；而在给部门领导的正式报告中，他会提供一套细针密缕、字斟句酌的解释。
蒂利指出，理由可以分为四种：
惯例：“不好意思，我把咖啡打翻了；我真是一个傻蛋。”
故事：“我的朋友背叛了我，因为她妒忌我的姐姐。”
专业表述：“点火装置的短路造成了发动机转子的失灵。”
准则：“按照第369条法规，我们不能交出档案。”
为了阐明这一论题，蒂利描述了不同的人如何对九一一袭击给出不同的理由。他还考察了那些给出一种原因的人如何经常将其转换为另一种原因。例如，一个医生可能使用生物化学的专业语言来理解一种病症，但在对生物化学一无所知的病人面前，他会求助于惯例和故事。
全书随处可见关于（包括作者本人的）日常生活体验的精彩轶事。《为什么？》告诉我们，故事是人类最伟大的发明之一。
译者是蒂利正式指导过的最后一位学生。接触虽短，见到为蒂利作品的引进，耗费心血，译文谨严，行事谦退。实可敬重。书稿由前辈编辑编校，老成律则，受益良多。
——————————————————————————
郭于华、沈原、唐世平、汪晖、郑也夫推荐
本书辨析了一个重要却鲜为研究的现象：日常生活中理由的给定。更为重要的是，它令人信服地阐明了微观社会互动如何促成宏观社会结构。
——郭于华（清华大学社会学系教授）
本书作者蒂利，以研究宏观历史变迁闻名于世，本书却显示出他洞悉微观的功力。
——沈原（清华大学社会学系教授）
蒂利是过去20-30年间最有影响的社会学家之一。
——唐世平（复旦大学国际政治系教授）
人是行动常常需要理由的动物——作者不仅提出了这一精彩的命题，并且做了出色的解答。
——郑也夫（北京大学社会学系教授）

本书是一部导论性著作，介绍了介于社会学和历史学之间的新学科--社会历史学。全书在对社会历史学做总体介绍之后，从学科史的角度，以一些著名的代表性学者如马克思、涂尔干、韦伯、布洛赫、艾利亚斯、布迪厄等为例，结合法国和世界历史，介绍分析了社会历史学产生的学术背景和需要处理的如经济与社会问题、政治问题、文化问题等，最终确定了社会历史学的研究方法和社会历史学家所应保持的立场。附录部分则以两个案例示范了社会历史学的研究方法。

本书拣选春秋战国的历史，注目整个中国古代的历史性格和社会结构。推断儒法国家产生的渊源与性质及对后世社会的影响。本书为修订版，增添了一篇关于历史社会学学术脉络的解读。

本书是吉登斯著作中最具有历史社会学特色的一部作品。其理论思路源于《社会的构成》中有关社会转型的论点，以全球社会变迁的历程为叙述框架，力图通过建构社会转型的一般模式，阐明塑造现代社会的力量。作者本人则宣称，本书的目的主要在于以系统的方式勾勒出世界史的粗线条。本书内容极为丰富，充满复杂性和说服力。

《从古代到封建主义的过渡》涵盖了从公元前8世纪古希腊奴隶制国家形成到公元15世纪欧洲封建主义危机这一漫长历史时期中的欧洲生产方式、社会结构和国家形态的演变过程。

多年来，学者们一直在竭力解释，在法国大革命之前那段时期形成的欧洲国家为什么会沿着如此不同的路径发展？有些国家为什么走上绝对主义的道路，而另一些国家则走上宪政主义的道路？是什么因素使得有些国家能发展出官僚制的管理体系，而另一些国家在实践中却仍然依附于一种世袭制？
本书展示了一种中世纪及现代早期欧洲国家建设的新理论。埃特曼主张，整个欧洲大陆的政权和国家基础结构在18世纪下半叶出现了翻天覆地的变化，而有两个因素——在国家形成时期的各级地方政府组织，以及连绵不断出现地缘军事竞争的时间安排——可以解释其中的绝大多数变化。本书利用历史社会学、比较政治学、经济史领域的理论发现以及历史学界最晚近的研究成果，为用跨学科方法研究政治发展的价值提供了一个富有说服力的范例。

在“经典”形式的文化史（以布克哈特和赫伊津哈为代表）遭受质疑以来，文化史领域新见迭出，在研究对象、主题、视角、方法乃至研究者本身等方面都日益多样化。
著名文化史家彼得•伯克在《文化史的风景》中撷取了若干独具特色的研究主题——如社会记忆的历史、梦的历史、心态史，甚至玩笑和姿态的历史——进行细致描绘之余，对文化史的传统、问题、潜力与趋势也做出了总体的反思。他认为，尽管出现了许多重要的研究方法，但“经典”形式之后尚未出现新的“正统”，文化史研究门派繁多，呈现出一幅“众声喧哗”的景象。