Applying an original theoretical framework, an international group of historians and social scientists here explores how class, rather than other social bonds, became central to the ideologies, dispositions, and actions of working people, and how this process was translated into diverse institutional legacies and political outcomes. Focusing principally on France. Germany, and the United States, the contributors examine the historically contingent connections between class, as objectively structured and experienced, and collective perceptions and responses as they develop in work, community, and politics.
Following Ira Katznelson's introduction of the analytical concepts, William H. Sewell, Jr., Michelle Perrot, and Alain Cottereau discuss France; Amy Bridges and Martin Shefter, the United States; and Jargen Kocka and Mary Nolan, Germany. The conclusion by Aristide R. Zolberg comments on working-class formation up to World War I, including developments in Great Britain, and challenges conventional wisdom about class and politics in the industrializing West.

"The book culminates in a detailed analysis of the three armed uprisings which led to the CCP's briefly taking power in March 1927, before being crushed by the troops of Chiang Kai-shek. The study highlights the extent to which the Soviet Union sought to control China's national revolution, yet also reveals how divisions at every level of the Comintern allowed the CCP to achieve a degree of independence and to conduct a policy at considerable variance with that laid down by Moscow." "In addition to using the wealth of Chinese material that has become available since the 1980s, this study is the first to make use of the Comintern materials that have become available since the collapse of the Soviet Union."--Jacket.

Review
"Tsin's book is well organized, refreshingly concise, and... highly readable " - Journal of Asian Studies "In this elegantly written and meticulously researched study, Tsin uses a social history of early twentieth-century Canton to explore the meaning and mechanisms of the political culture of modernity. One of the book's great strengths is Tsin's success in bringing social-historical and theoretical analyses together, using one to illuminate the other." - Journal of Interdisciplinary History --This text refers to the Paperback edition.
Review
“For researchers carrying up-to-date toolkits into the Chinese past, Tsin’s judicious analysis will be a model of clarity in exposition as well as a guide to the formation of China modernist discourses on national and social revolution.”—Canadian Journal of History
“Tsin’s book is well organized, refreshingly concise, and . . . highly readable.”—Journal of Asian Studies
“In this elegantly written and meticulously researched study, Tsin uses a social history of early 20th-century Canton to explore the meaning and mechanisms of the political culture of modernity. One of the book’s great strengths is Tsin’s success in bringing social-historical and theoretical analyses together, using one to illuminate the other.” —Journal of Interdisciplinary History

Il est sans doute peu de périodes de l'histoire moderne chinoise plus mouvementées et plus fertiles en développements soudains que les huit années qui forment l'objet de ces recherches sur le mouvement ouvrier chinois de 1919 à 1927. En 1919, quand éclatent les grandes grèves du « Mouvement du 4 mai », en écho à l'agitation patriotique des étudiants de Pékin et des marchands de Shangai, le mouvement ouvrier est pratiquement dénué d'organisation véritable. En 1920, les débuts des syndicats sont lents et difficiles. Et pourtant, très vite, vont se succéder des vagues de luttes ouvrières qui mettent en mouvement des dizaines et des centaines de milliers d'hommes ; ces luttes culmineront avec la grève insurrectionnelle de mars 1927 à laquelle participeront 800 000 ouvriers changaiens, soulevés contre les chefs militaires nordistes et qui libéreront cette grande métropole avant l'arrivée des armées nationales de Canton. Ces recherches, qui s'appuient sur un dépouillement méthodique de sources chinoises et occidentales, dont l'appareil de références atteste l'importance, sont organisées en trois grandes sections : l'analyse de la structure sociale du prolétariat et de ses structures d'existence, l'étude des débuts du mouvement ouvrier chinois entre 1919 et 1924, l'évaluation de son rôle dans la révolution de 1924-1927.