美国道路为何对贫困问题无能为力？“需求侧”经济如何引发今日危机？
揭示美国政府干预的真实面相，避开美国经验的政策陷阱。
斩获美国社会学协会社会学杰出学术贡献等六项大奖
19世纪末美国经济出现了爆炸式增长，而路易斯安那州的传奇州长休伊·朗却质问道：“这是一片超级富足的过剩之地，可为何到处都是食不果腹、衣不蔽体、无家可归的人呢？”
休伊·朗是那个时代美国政治经济的典型代表，这位令罗斯福都忌惮三分的政治狂人，在奇袭、拳斗、谋杀、弹劾和大量的口诛笔伐中，推出了一系列旨在解决贫困悖论的激进政策。而在多次戏剧性的政治博弈中，美国走上了一条非同寻常的经济发展道路。
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《过剩之地》令人信服地证明美国政府干预的传统由来已久，且非常强大，但为何政府干预力如此强大的美国，却没能遏制自己在发达国家中居高不下的贫困率？
历史倒退回19世纪末，彼时美国爆炸性的经济增长引发了一场旷日持久的农业利益促进运动。这场运动使得美国联邦政府确立了促进农业利益的税收和金融政策，这些政策没有带来欧式福利，却非常讽刺地导致了信贷民主化，开动了美国经济的消费引擎。读史早知今日事。底层扫地出门，中层美国梦碎，“需求侧”经济撕裂了今日之美国，然而原因却要到历史中去寻找。
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普拉萨德的研究表明，学术界、政界和新闻界认为美国比欧洲国家更自由、干预更少的传统观点，是错误的。
——理查德·拉克曼
（《国家与权力》《不由自主的资产阶级》作者）
这本引人入胜的著作解释了为何如此多的美国人生活在贫困之中，并对我们这个时代最重要的议题作出了惊人的，但最终也是令人信服的贡献。
——弗兰克•多宾
（哈佛大学教授）

本书以性别和家庭作为观察视角，通过建立阶级和家庭结构的社会变化与英国殖民统治的联系，重新思考埃及民族主义和1919年革命的起源。作者巧妙地提出，埃及在19世纪的现代化进程中，加强了埃及精英阶层一夫一妻制和资产阶级家政的理想，并将这些理想与政治和经济的成功联系起来。与此同时，英国人利用一夫多妻制、后宫和妇女佩戴面纱等家庭和个人实践，宣称统治阶级已经腐败，从而使其对于埃及的占领“合法化”。为了摆脱英国的统治，资产阶级埃及民族主义者建立了一种家庭政治文化，培养了新一代的民族主义者，并利用它向英国证明，现在是占领结束的时候了。这种文化在1919年的埃及革命中得到了应用，其中改革后的资产阶级家庭被展示为“现代”埃及国家的标准。

In this 25th anniversary edition, Bailyn has added a substantial essay, "Fulfillment", as a Postscript to the original text. In it he discusses the intense, nation-wide debate on the ratification of the constitution, stressing the continuities between that struggle over the foundations of the national government and the original principles of the Revolution. This study of the persistence of the nation's ideological origins adds a new dimension to the book and projects its meaning forward into vital present concerns. Bailyn is author of "The Ordeal of Thomas Hutchinson" which won the National Book Award and "Voyagers to the West" which won the Pulitzer Prize for History.

In 1644, the Manchus, a relatively unknown people inhabiting China’s rude northeastern frontier, overthrew the Ming, Asia’s mightiest rulers, and established the Qing dynasty, which endured to 1912. From this event arises one of Chinese history’s great conundrums: How did a barely literate alien people manage to remain in power for nearly 300 years over a highly cultured population that was vastly superior in number? This problem has fascinated scholars for almost a century, but until now no one has approached the question from the Manchu point of view.
This book, the first in any language to be based mainly on Manchu documents, supplies a radically new perspective on the formative period of the modern Chinese nation. Drawing on recent critical notions of ethnicity, the author explores the evolution of the “Eight Banners,” a unique Manchu system of social and military organization that was instrumental in the conquest of the Ming.
The author argues that as rulers of China the Manchu conquerors had to behave like Confucian monarchs, but that as a non-Han minority they faced other, more complex considerations as well. Their power derived not only from the acceptance of orthodox Chinese notions of legitimacy, but also, the author suggests, from Manchu “ethnic sovereignty,” which depended on the sustained coherence of the conquerors.
When, in the early 1700s, this coherence was threatened by rapid acculturation and the prospective loss of Manchu distinctiveness, the Qing court, always insecure, desperately urged its minions to uphold the traditions of an idealized “Manchu Way.” However, the author shows that it was not this appeal but rather the articulation of a broader identity grounded in the realities of Eight Banner life that succeeded in preserving Manchu ethnicity, and the Qing dynasty along with it, into the twentieth century.

1931年的柏林。一个介于分租房和黑社会之间的环境，妓院是艺术家的工作室，纳粹在街上大肆辱骂，巴贝尔斯堡则梦想着制作"心理电影"。生活在澎湃，社会在发酵，在腐蚀。只要还有工作，拥有德国研究博士学位的雅各布·法比安白天写广告文案，晚上就和斯蒂芬·拉布德一起频繁出入城市中比较荒诞的场所。他的朋友-后来承认自己"在生活和职业的课题上"失败了-在谈到共产主义和性的时候，是个有进取心的人，而法比安却依然清醒而疏离。他等待着"体面的胜利"，却没有真正相信它。他对柯内莉亚的爱是唯一让他质疑自己讽刺宿命论的东西。她成了他崩溃生活中的一缕希望。尽管与今天这个被人诟病的世界有很多相似之处，但要让埃里希·凯斯特纳深沉悲凉的自传体小说《法比安》-魏玛共和国最重要的小说之一-走出阴暗的生存环境是一个挑战。多米尼克·格拉夫出色地驾驭了这一挑战。他的风格是微妙的尖锐，冷血的轻快，却又安静忧郁。这部电影就像一个缓慢转动的迪斯科球，讲述了性行为和空冰箱之间的联系，以及幸福梦想的瓦解。

The first international history of the emergence of economic sanctions during the interwar period and the legacy of this development
Economic sanctions dominate the landscape of world politics today. First developed in the early twentieth century as a way to use the flows of globalization to defend liberal internationalism, their continuing appeal is that they function as an alternative to war. This view, however, ignores the dark paradox at their core: designed to prevent war, economic sanctions are modeled on devastating techniques of warfare.
Tracing the use of economic sanctions from the blockades of World War I to the policing of colonial empires and the interwar confrontation with fascism, Nicholas Mulder combines extensive archival research with political, economic, legal, and military history to reveal how a coercive wartime tool was adopted as an instrument of peacekeeping by the League of Nations. This timely study casts an overdue light on why sanctions are widely considered a form of war, and why their unintended consequences are so tremendous.