One of the world’s leading economists of inequality, Branko Milanovic presents a bold new account of the dynamics that drive inequality on a global scale. Drawing on vast data sets and cutting-edge research, he explains the benign and malign forces that make inequality rise and fall within and among nations. He also reveals who has been helped the most by globalization, who has been held back, and what policies might tilt the balance toward economic justice.
Global Inequality takes us back hundreds of years, and as far around the world as data allow, to show that inequality moves in cycles, fueled by war and disease, technological disruption, access to education, and redistribution. The recent surge of inequality in the West has been driven by the revolution in technology, just as the Industrial Revolution drove inequality 150 years ago. But even as inequality has soared within nations, it has fallen dramatically among nations, as middle-class incomes in China and India have drawn closer to the stagnating incomes of the middle classes in the developed world. A more open migration policy would reduce global inequality even further.
Both American and Chinese inequality seems well entrenched and self-reproducing, though it is difficult to predict if current trends will be derailed by emerging plutocracy, populism, or war. For those who want to understand how we got where we are, where we may be heading, and what policies might help reverse that course, Milanovic’s compelling explanation is the ideal place to start.

20世纪思想巨匠卡尔·波兰尼代表作，台湾中研院黄树民教授经典译本修订版。
《巨变》（又名《大转型》）一书最初于1944年出版。在这部公认的伟大著作中，波兰尼的主要关切是：造成19世纪西方文明衰败的起因。波兰尼 从社会经济史的角度勾勒了资本主义世界经济的要求与民族国家内 部社会福利的追求这两者之间的冲突。换言之，他以自由经济制度与社会制度之间的冲突过程来解释自律性市场社会的建立及其衰败，亦即19世纪西方文明的崩溃。这一主题是波兰尼一生思想的总结。
“欧洲文明所经历的转变，今日看来就如同当代世界各地发展中国家所面临的转变一样，以至于波兰尼的这本书几乎就像是在评论当代议题。”
——约瑟夫·斯蒂格利茨（Joseph E. Stiglitz）
"20世纪的经典之作。"——查尔斯·金德尔伯格（Charles P. Kindleberger）

Product Description
Surveying three centuries of economic history, a Harvard professor argues for a leaner global system that puts national democracies front and center. From the mercantile monopolies of seventeenth-century empires to the modern-day authority of the WTO, IMF, and World Bank, the nations of the world have struggled to effectively harness globalization's promise. The economic narratives that underpinned these eras—the gold standard, the Bretton Woods regime, the "Washington Consensus"—brought great success and great failure. In this eloquent challenge to the reigning wisdom on globalization, Dani Rodrik offers a new narrative, one that embraces an ineluctable tension: we cannot simultaneously pursue democracy, national self-determination, and economic globalization. When the social arrangements of democracies inevitably clash with the international demands of globalization, national priorities should take precedence. Combining history with insight, humor with good-natured critique, Rodrik's case for a customizable globalization supported by a light frame of international rules shows the way to a balanced prosperity as we confront today's global challenges in trade, finance, and labor markets.

《传播政治经济学》一书1996年出版后，学界普遍高度评价该书的深厚的跨学科视野和扎实的理论归纳，作者广泛听取反馈意见，2009年出版修订版，不仅案例材料得以及时更新，而且全书的理论胸襟和讨论范畴更加开阔和深透，详细阐述了政治经济学的分析工具和理论积累路径，且以此解析当今全球化、数字化、商业化的传播产业、传播制度和传播现象背后权力扮演的角色。传播作为外来学科，急需引进美国实证主义之外的具有理论和历史脉络的传播政治经济学流派的经典论著，本书将传播政治经济学放在具体的社会关系和社会现状的历史进程中考察，依据社会正义的标准加以评价，是目前全球传播学界公认的批判传播理论的标志性作品。

In this ambitious book Eva Bellin examines the dynamics of democratization in late-developing countries where the process has stalled. Bellin focuses on the pivotal role of social forces and particularly the reluctance of capital and labor to champion democratic transition, contrary to the expectations of political economists versed in earlier transitions. Bellin argues that the special conditions of late development, most notably the political paradoxes created by state sponsorship, fatally limit class commitment to democracy. In many developing countries, she contends, those who are empowered by capitalist industrialization become the allies of authoritarianism rather than the agents of democratic reform.Bellin generates her propositions from close study of a singular case of stalled democracy -- Tunisia. Capital and labor's complicity in authoritarian relapse in that country poses a puzzle. The author's explanation of that case is made more general through comparison with the cases of other countries, including Mexico, Indonesia, South Korea, Turkey, and Egypt. Stalled Democracy also explores the transformative capacity of state-sponsored industrialization. By drawing on a range of real-world examples, Bellin illustrates the ability of developing countries to reconfigure state-society relations, redistribute power more evenly in society, and erode the peremptory power of the authoritarian state, even where democracy is stalled.

This book develops a framework for analyzing the creation and consolidation of democracy. Different social groups prefer different political institutions because of the way they allocate political power and resources. Thus democracy is preferred by the majority of citizens, but opposed by elites. Dictatorship nevertheless is not stable when citizens can threaten social disorder and revolution. In response, when the costs of repression are sufficiently high and promises of concessions are not credible, elites may be forced to create democracy. By democratizing, elites credibly transfer political power to the citizens, ensuring social stability. Democracy consolidates when elites do not have strong incentive to overthrow it. These processes depend on (1) the strength of civil society, (2) the structure of political institutions, (3) the nature of political and economic crises, (4) the level of economic inequality, (5) the structure of the economy, and (6) the form and extent of globalization.