千百年来，中国人一直以化烧纸扎——特别是纸钱——的方式来祭奠已故亲人、祖先以及神灵。尽管常被指为浪费、淫邪，且曾被官方禁止，但这一民间传统依然长盛不衰。
《烧钱》一书从当代生活世界入手检视了这一惯俗，探究了它在传说和历史中的起源、它在古今社会形态中的角色、它的文化逻辑、它与中国乃至世界上其他惯俗的关系，并提出了有关其价值本质的宏大的人类学问题。作者柏桦运用了田野民族志、历史文献、民间故事等多种材料，结合了西方马克思主义、符号学、结构主义、现象学等理论，对“烧钱”传统做出了不同于以往的、细致入微的分析。不管是从实践经验还是从理论框架上说，《烧钱》一书都为我们研究中国民间信仰问题提供了重要参考。

China's one-child rule is unassailably one of the most controversial social policies of all time. In the first book of its kind, Susan Greenhalgh draws on twenty years of research into China's population politics to explain how the leaders of a nation of one billion decided to limit all couples to one child. Focusing on the historic period 1978-80, when China was just reentering the global capitalist system after decades of self-imposed isolation, Greenhalgh documents the extraordinary manner in which a handful of leading aerospace engineers hijacked the population policymaking process and formulated a strategy that treated people like missiles. Just One Child situates these science- and policymaking practices in their broader contexts--the scientization and statisticalization of sociopolitical life--and provides the most detailed and incisive account yet of the origins of the one-child policy.

There are 5.13 billion Internet users in China, and this number is continually growing. This book looks at the various purposes of this Internet use, and provides a study about how the entertainment-consuming users form into publics through the mediation of technologies in the era of network society. It questions how individuals, mediated by new information and communication technologies (ICTs), come together to form new social categories. The book goes on to investigate how public(s) is formed in the era of network society, with particular focus on how fans become publics in a society that follows the logic of network. Using online surveys and in-depth interviews, this book provides a rich description of the process of constructing a new social formation in contemporary China.

Who watches over the party-state? In this engaging analysis, Maria Repnikova reveals the webs of an uneasy partnership between critical journalists and the state in China. More than merely a passive mouthpiece or a dissident voice, the media in China also plays a critical oversight role, one more frequently associated with liberal democracies than with authoritarian systems. Chinese central officials cautiously endorse media supervision as a feedback mechanism, as journalists carve out space for critical reporting by positioning themselves as aiding the agenda of the central state. Drawing on rare access in the field, Media Politics in China examines the process of guarded improvisation that has defined this volatile partnership over the past decade on a routine basis and in the aftermath of major crisis events. Combined with a comparative analysis of media politics in the Soviet Union and contemporary Russia, the book highlights the distinctiveness of Chinese journalist-state relations, as well as the renewed pressures facing them in the Xi era.

This book is about a new kind of revolution in China - a revolution in which rapidly commercializing media industries confront slow-changing power relations between political, social and economic spheres.
Multinational media companies increasingly look to China as a highly important market for the future, but with what degree of confidence should they do so? Media in China is about a new kind of revolution in China - a revolution in which rapidly commercializing media industries confront slow-changing power relations between political, social and economic spheres. This interdisciplinary collection draws on the expertise of industry professionals, academic experts and cultural critics. It offers a variety of perspectives on audio-visual industries in the world's largest media market. In particular, the contributors examine television, film, music, commercial and political advertising, and new media such as the internet and multimedia. These essays explore evolving audience demographies, new patterns of media reception in regional centres, and the gradual internationalization of media content and foreign investment in China's broadcasting industries.

本书作者从性别、技术、历史的角度，重新对帝制中国的大转型这一宏阔主题进行了细微的探索，独具慧眼，分析透彻，给人启发。书中提供了关于晚期帝制中国的个案研究，它包含了众多的理论背景、思路梳理，有分析方法的引入，也有极为开阔宏大的视野。

孔飞力以政治参与、政治竞争、政治控制为主轴，将中国现代国家形成与发展的“根本性议程”归结为三组相互关联的问题或矛盾：政治参与的扩展与国家权力加强之间的矛盾（本书第一章）；政治竞争的展开与公共利益的维护之间的矛盾（第二章）；国家的财政汲取能力同地方社会财政需求之间的矛盾（第三章）。这三组问题并非始于清代，而是历朝历代都要面对的，但却跨越了朝代鼎革一直存在到帝制晚期，并在帝制崩溃后继续成为20世纪中国现代国家构建时的基本问题。
孔飞力认为，当政治环境的变化对社会形成重大威胁时，人们便会围绕着种种“根本性议程”开始形成共识。在中国帝制晚期，深植于历史文化之中的种种知识资源，是在怎样的历史环境下，经过哪些人的努力，导致了向着现代性、具有中国特质的“现代国家”渐次发生转变？孔飞力通过论述魏源、冯桂芬、梁启超、章太炎等人的思想，结合晚清以来相关的历史叙事，较为宏观地回应了这一问题。
孔飞力对这部《中国现代国家的起源》非常自负。相对于孔的另外三部专著和其他专题论文，这本书确实很不寻常，此书的初稿是讲座稿，孔飞力别的论著均为实证研究；在本书中作者试图对一些较为宏观的问题作出正面回答，而不再隐藏在具体问题的研究背后。总的来说，孔飞力治学的宗旨，他所思考的核心问题，在此书中有最为直接的展现。
书中各章是以作者在法兰西学院所作的系列讲座（1994年）为基础改写而成，1999年先以法文出版，英文版于2002年推出，此次中文版首次问世。

The May Fourth movement (1915-1923) is widely considered a watershed in the history of modern China. This book is a social history of cultural and political radicals based in China's most important hinterland city at this pivotal time, Wuhan.
Current narratives of May Fourth focus on the ideological development of intellectuals in the seaboard metropoles of Beijing and Shanghai. And although scholars have pointed to the importance of the many cultural-political societies of the period, they have largely neglected to examine these associations, seeing them only as seedbeds of Chinese communism and its leaders, like Mao Zedong.
This book, by contrast, portrays the everyday life of May Fourth activists in Wuhan in cultural-political societies founded by local teacher and journalist Yun Daiying (1895-1931). The book examines the ways by which radical politics developed in hinterland urban centers, from there into a nation wide movement, which ultimately provided the basis for the emergence of mass political parties, namely the Nationalist Party (Guomindang) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
The book's focus on organizations, everyday life, and social networks provides a novel interpretation of where mechanisms of historical change are located. The book also highlights the importance of print culture in the provinces. It demonstrates how provincial print-culture combined with small, local organizations to create a political movement. The vantage point of Wuhan demonstrates that May Fourth radicalism developed in a dialogue between the coastal metropoles of Beijing and Shanghai and hinterland urban centers.
The book therefore charts the way in which seeds of political change grew from individuals, through local organizations into a nation-wide movement, and finally into mass-party politics and subsequently revolution. The book thus connects everyday experiences of activists with the cultural-political ferment which gave rise to both the Chinese Communist party and the Nationalist Party.

The Chinese invented gunpowder and began exploring its military uses as early as the 900s, four centuries before the technology passed to the West. But by the early 1800s, China had fallen so far behind the West in gunpowder warfare that it was easily defeated by Britain in the Opium War of 1839–42. What happened? In The Gunpowder Age, Tonio Andrade offers a compelling new answer, opening a fresh perspective on a key question of world history: why did the countries of western Europe surge to global importance starting in the 1500s while China slipped behind?
Historians have long argued that gunpowder weapons helped Europeans establish global hegemony. Yet the inhabitants of what is today China not only invented guns and bombs but also, as Andrade shows, continued to innovate in gunpowder technology through the early 1700s—much longer than previously thought. Why, then, did China become so vulnerable? Andrade argues that one significant reason is that it was out of practice fighting wars, having enjoyed nearly a century of relative peace, since 1760. Indeed, he demonstrates that China—like Europe—was a powerful military innovator, particularly during times of great warfare, such as the violent century starting after the Opium War, when the Chinese once again quickly modernized their forces. Today, China is simply returning to its old position as one of the world’s great military powers.
By showing that China’s military dynamism was deeper, longer lasting, and more quickly recovered than previously understood, The Gunpowder Age challenges long-standing explanations of the so-called Great Divergence between the West and Asia.

In a comparative philosophical perspective, Jiwei Ci provides an thought-provoking philosophical and psychological interpretation of the history of Chinese revolution from Maoist utopianism to reform-era hedonism. Ci argues against the common conception of the Maoist project as ascetic utopianism. Instead, he sees sublimated hedonism as an integral part of utopianism, and through ideological bankruptcy caused by the irreconcilable separation between reality and meaning creates nihilism, in turn leading to full-scale hedonism. Under this universalizing framework, Ci presents the materialist roots of Maoism his detour on the road to capitalism, reframes the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution as struggles against the routinization or depersonalization of charisma,and even reinterprets the Democracy movement and recent anti-corruption agitation as inherently hedonistic.

本书所讲述的是一个关于“盛世妖术”的故事。在中国的千年帝制时代，乾隆皇帝可谓是空前绝后的一人。他建立并巩固起来的大清帝国达到了权力与威望的顶端。然而整个大清的政治与社会生活却被一股名为“叫魂”的妖术之天错地暗。在1768年由春天到秋天的那几个月里，这股妖风竟然冲击了半个中国，百性为之惶恐，官员为之奔命，连乾隆也为之寝食难安。作者细致入微的描写令人颤栗，他生动地再现了各省的恐慌是如何演变成一场全国性的除妖运动。
本书也表现出了一种更为宏大的学术视野，在构建以“叫魂”案为中心的“大叙事”的过程中，在方法论的层次上将社会史、文化史、政治史、经济史、区域分析、官僚科层制度分析以及心理分析等研究方法结合在一起。本书可作为学生必读参考书。

In most liberal democracies commercialized media is taken for granted, but in many authoritarian regimes the introduction of market forces in the media represents a radical break from the past with uncertain political and social implications. In Media Commercialization and Authoritarian Rule in China, Daniela Stockmann argues that the consequences of media marketization depend on the institutional design of the state. In one-party regimes such as China, market-based media promote regime stability rather than destabilizing authoritarianism or bringing about democracy. By analyzing the Chinese media, Stockmann ties trends of market liberalism in China to other authoritarian regimes in the Middle East, North Africa, sub-Saharan Africa and the post-Soviet region. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Chinese journalists and propaganda officials as well as more than 2000 newspaper articles, experiments and public opinion data sets, this book links censorship among journalists with patterns of media consumption and media's effects on public opinion.

This book presents the first panoramic study of minkan (citizen publications) in China before the Internet, from the 1950s to the 1980s. Drawing on theories of civil society and the public sphere, this study explores the creative practice of minkan as a revival of the concept of 'moveable words' in the Chinese print tradition. When examined against the backdrop of a much older history of Chinese print culture and its renaissance, this recent history of citizen publications also contributes to the reclamation of a lost past of resistance. It is an exercise in remembering a past that has been marginalized and excluded by official history and recovering thoughts and practices obliterated by state power. This book attempts to reconstruct the narrative of modern Chinese history by analyzing the development of a civil society that is independent of both the state elite and the new apolitical bourgeoisie in mainland China.

《简明中国现代史》是欧洲著名中国学专家冯客代表作品，一部展现开放时代风度的民国史。本书摒弃“以革命视角解读近代史”的普遍观念，从开放的角度，全新诠释民国史。篇幅简练，内容精致，深度还原混乱、战事之外的民国气象。