By analytically decoupling war and violence, this book explores the causes and dynamics of violence in civil war. Against the prevailing view that such violence is an instance of impenetrable madness, the book demonstrates that there is logic to it and that it has much less to do with collective emotions, ideologies, and cultures than currently believed. Kalyvas specifies a novel theory of selective violence: it is jointly produced by political actors seeking information and individual civilians trying to avoid the worst but also grabbing what opportunities their predicament affords them. Violence, he finds, is never a simple reflection of the optimal strategy of its users; its profoundly interactive character defeats simple maximization logics while producing surprising outcomes, such as relative nonviolence in the 'frontlines' of civil war.

Our democracy today is fraught with political campaigns, lobbyists, liberal media, and Fox News commentators, all using language to influence the way we think and reason about public issues. Even so, many of us believe that propaganda and manipulation aren't problems for us--not in the way they were for the totalitarian societies of the mid-twentieth century. In "How Propaganda Works," Jason Stanley demonstrates that more attention needs to be paid. He examines how propaganda operates subtly, how it undermines democracy--particularly the ideals of democratic deliberation and equality--and how it has damaged democracies of the past.

Focusing on the shortcomings of liberal democratic states, Stanley provides a historically grounded introduction to democratic political theory as a window into the misuse of democratic vocabulary for propaganda's selfish purposes. He lays out historical examples, such as the restructuring of the US public school system at the turn of the twentieth century, to explore how the language of democracy is sometimes used to mask an undemocratic reality. Drawing from a range of sources, including feminist theory, critical race theory, epistemology, formal semantics, educational theory, and social and cognitive psychology, he explains how the manipulative and hypocritical declaration of flawed beliefs and ideologies arises from and perpetuates inequalities in society, such as the racial injustices that commonly occur in the United States.

"How Propaganda Works" shows that an understanding of propaganda and its mechanisms is essential for the preservation and protection of liberal democracies everywhere.

For the first time in a single volume, leading social movement researchers map the full range of applications of network concepts and tools to their field of inquiry. They illustrate how networks affect individual contributions to collective action in both democratic and non-democratic organizations; how patterns of inter-organizational linkages affect the circulation of resources both within movement milieus and between movement organizations and the political system; how network concepts and techniques may improve our grasp of the relationship between movements and elites, of the configuration of alliance and conflict structures, of the clustering of episodes of contention in protest cycles.Social Movements and Networks casts new light on our understanding of social movements and cognate social and political processes.

Many of the fundamental questions in social science entail an examination of the role played by social institutions. Why do we have so many social institutions? Why do they take one form in one society and quite different ones in others? In what ways do these institutions develop? When and why do they change? Institutions and Social Conflict addresses these questions in two ways. First it offers a thorough critique of a wide range of theories of institutional change, from the classical accounts of Smith, Hume, Marx and Weber to the contemporary approaches of evolutionary theory, the theory of social conventions and the new institutionalism. Secondly, it develops a new theory of institutional change that emphasises the distributional consequences of social institutions. The emergence of institutions is explained as a by-product of distributional conflict in which asymmetries of power in a society generate institutional solutions to conflicts.

With crucial insights and indispensable information concerning modern-day political upheavals, Revolutions and Revolutionary Movements provides a representative cross section of the most significant revolutions of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. This fourth edition is revised and updated with special focus on Islamic fundamentalism and Islamic revolutionary movements and a new chapter on the Latin American democratic revolutions of the past decade. In this widely used text, students can trace the historical development of nine revolutions using a five-factor analytical framework. Author James DeFronzo clearly explains all relevant concepts and events, the roles of key leaders, and the interrelation of each revolutionary movement with international economic and political developments and conflicts, including World Wars I and II, the Cold War, and the War on Terror. Student resources include multiple orienting maps, summary and analysis sections, suggested readings, chronologies, and documentary resources.

This 2002 book seeks to identify the motivations of individual perpetrators of ethnic violence. The work develops four models, labeled Fear, Hatred, Resentment, and Rage, gleaned from existing social science literatures. The empirical chapters apply these four models to important events of ethnic conflict in Eastern Europe, from the 1905 Russian Revolution to the collapse of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. Each historical chapter generates questions about the timing and target of ethnic violence. The four models are then applied to the case, to learn which does the best job in explaining the observed patterns of ethnic conflict. The findings challenge conventional wisdom, in that the Resentment narrative, centered on a sense of unjust group status, provides the best fit for a variety of cases. While Fear, Hatred, and Rage do motivate hostile actions, Resentment pervasively appears to inflame ethnic animosity and drive outcomes in the timing and pattern of action.

This book tackles fundamental questions about the nature of personal, political, and national identities and their linkage to big events revolutions, social movements, democratization, and other processes of political and social change. Tilly focuses on the role of stories, as means of creating personal identity, but also as explanations, true or false, of political tensions and realities. He writes with the immediacy of a journalist, but the profound insight of a great theorist.

《社会学前沿论丛：西方社会运动理论研究》介绍的是经过一百多年的发展，社会运动研究在西方已经成为一个横跨社会学、政治学、经济学、传播学、历史学、人类学、组织学、公共管理、国际关系等多个学科的专业领域，所形成的理论概念和观点丰富而庞杂。本书在充分掌握第一手文献的基础上，将西方社会运动理论划分为集体行为论、资源动员论、政治过程论、框架建构论和新社会运动论等五个主要流派，仔细梳理每个流派的发展脉络和基本理念，以及由此而来的分析思路、理论假设和概念框架，揭示每个流派的优长、局限以及彼此间的批判和继承关系。本书既是对西方社会运动研究成果的全景式检阅，对研究中国当前和历史上的运动、革命、群体性事件、政治秩序和社会稳定。亦具有重要的参考价值。

Citing the critical importance of empirical work to social movement research, the editors of this volume have put together the first systematic overview of the major methods used by social movement theorists. Original chapters cover the range of techniques: surveys, formal models, discourse analysis, in-depth interviews, participant observation, case studies, network analysis, historical methods, protest event analysis, macro-organizational analysis, and comparative politics. Each chapter includes a methodological discussion, examples of studies employing the method, an examination of its strengths and weaknesses, and practical guidelines for its application.

本书以社会治安综合治理作为研究的主要对象。本书计划回答三个基本问题。首先，面对由市场改革带来的社会不满与集体抗争，中国政府采取了哪些维护稳定的办法。第二个问题，在维稳力度不断加大的情况之下，为什么已有的维政策执行起来效果不佳。第三个问题将与预设的理论前提相呼应，那就是现有的维稳政策会对市场经济、公民社会、司法体制与政治制度产生什么影响，这些影响是强化还是弱化三大系统的维稳功能？
本书由四个部分组成：第一部分即第一章是综合治理的社会背景；第二部分是关于综合治理的政策构成，由四章组成；第三部分包括从第六章到第九章，是关于综合治理的维持机制的，它们是综合治理行动的基础；第四部分由第十章和结论构成，主要是对综合治理行动与机制的分析以及分析基础上的结论归纳。