In this magisterial study, Timothy Mitchell rethinks the history of energy, bringing into his grasp environmental politics, the struggle for democracy, and the place of the Middle East in the modern world.
With the rise of coal power, the producers who oversaw its development acquired the ability to shut down energy systems, a threat they used to build the first mass democracies. Oil offered the West an alternative, and with it came a new form of politics. Oil created a denatured political life the central object of which—the economy—appeared capable of infinite growth. What followed was a Western democracy dependent on an undemocratic Middle East. We now live with the consequences: an impoverished political practice, incapable of addressing the crises that threaten to end the age of carbon democracy — namely, the disappearance of cheap energy and the carbon-fuelled collapse of the ecological order.
For the updated edition of this classic title, Timothy Mitchell has written a new preface, reassessing its arguments in the light of recent political events.

這是一本正經的閑書。著者胡蘭成以新鮮的筆姿寫中國文明之與世界，讀之如觀庭前的雲影水流，風吹花開。書中寫史上的天意人事，如聽擊鼓說書。寫治世禮樂，宮室衣裳器車之美，如聽兩個小孩並排坐在階沿上說話。這裡提出了專門學者們所沒有感到，感到了亦無能力提出的問題，而把來豁然地都打開了。所以此書為學者唐君毅等所深敬，亦為婦人女子和青年們所喜愛。讀之使人於人與物都有好情懷，於事聰明，做人有意思、有志氣。作者胡蘭成，1906年出生於中國浙江省嵊縣。燕京大學肄業。1974年到台灣，任文化大學教授，1981年病逝日本東京，著有今生今世、山河歲月、戰難和亦不亦...等書。
香港星島日報蕭千里曾評論此書：
山河歲月是胡蘭成的歷史觀，看他說來有趣，但是不能認真。雖云舉重可以若輕，到底不是真輕，歷史自有其沈重的份量，某些處可以四兩撥千斤，某些處卻又必須如承大賓。一概把來輕飄飄地舉過，做為個人的歷史觀或無妨，卻是不可以傳授的。
山河歲月也好，今生今世也好，都是既有優點也有缺點。中年以上的人如果在趣味上能夠體會，可以看的津津有味，不然必定大起反感，我以為如以看小說的心情看這兩本書，也許能享受若干意料之外的樂趣。
胡蘭成的文字可以欣賞，但絕不可學，因為畫虎不成反類犬。
目次:
再版自序
自序
世界文明的河源
中国与西方之始分歧
西方世界劫初成时
恒河畔金色莲花
问史于中国
汉文明的叶嫩花初
周朝的礼乐
秦汉私情之美
井田经济的翻新
历朝治乱离合
民间五月的清
平人的潇湘
清末以来
太平军起义
辛亥革命
五四运动
民国世界的王气
国民革命军北阀
抗战岁月
伐共建国

台灣後殖民文學史論的精闢論著！戰後台灣文學史的發展，較諸日據時期還要複雜。這牽涉到戒嚴文化下所產生的族群與性別問題，也牽涉到外來強勢文化的干涉，如現代主義與張愛玲文學的議題。在本土論述日益趨於鞏固之際，文學史家如何重新評價這些猶待釐清的問題，正是本書的重要關切之一。本書從後殖民立場出發，探討解嚴後台灣社會的性質究竟屬於後殖民或後現代，從而進一步觀察文學史書寫所面臨的關鍵思考。書中以葉石濤的文學史工程為例，追溯他的左翼史觀及其文化意義。對於頗具爭議的張愛玲文學，本書企圖釐清歷史遺留下來的癥結，並且為張愛玲在台灣文學史中尋找一個恰當位置。作者提出後殖民立場與後結構的思考，來觀察戰後台灣文學多元而複雜的豐碩內容。其中對於解嚴後的女性書寫，尤為關注。書中並收入作者與陳映真的論戰文字，對台灣文學史的書寫策略與歷史解釋，頗多值得矚目的突破性見解。

Palestine: A Socialist Introduction systematically tackles a number of important aspects of the Palestinian struggle for liberation, contextualizing it in an increasingly polarized world and offering a socialist perspective on how full liberation can be won.
Through an internationalist, anti-imperialist lens, this book explores the links between the struggle for freedom in the United States and that in Palestine, and beyond. It examines both the historical and contemporary trajectory of the Palestine solidarity movement in order to glean lessons for today’s organizers, and compellingly lays out the argument that, in order to achieve justice in Palestine, the movement has to take up the question of socialism regionally and internationally.

既存の国際秩序から近代主権国家秩序への再編，植民地化と新たな地域社会やネットワークの構築など，世界史的な歴史変容は，東アジアにおいて一定の共通体験をはらみながらも，地域と時期に応じて多面的な相貌を見せることになった．その後の歴史観にも大きな影響を与える東アジアの多元的な「近代」の始まりを提示する．

本书将孙中山视作以科学为自己思想和行为基础的“科学人”，从十九世纪末二十世纪初“科学”在中国的传入、翻译、普及、应用等用度，详细探讨了孙中山这科学观的形成过程，及其核心为“生之哲学”的思想以“科学”为桥梁深入的过程。

In Anti-Tech Revolution: Why and How, Kaczynski compellingly argues for why rational control over the development of society is forever impossible. Rather than being guided by "reason," Kaczynski shows that a universal process analogous to biological natural selection operates autonomously on all dynamic systems and that this process primarily determines all significant historical developments. Furthermore, Kaczynski argues for why the direct consequences of uncontrollable technological growth necessarily leads to a disastrous disruption of the natural equilibrium of global biological and human social systems. Based on this new understanding of social and biological change, and by way of an extensive historical and theoretical examination of prior social movements and revolutions, Kaczynski argues that there is only one route available to effect substantial influence on the course of human development to avoid the disaster that technological growth entails: a revolution against technology and industrial society. To this end, Kaczynski offers a practical, "grand-strategic" prescription for the only realistic way to significantly alter the course of society to prevent the fast-approaching technological disaster.