"Dissent from the Homeland" is a book about patriotism and pacifism, justice and revenge. In this deliberately and urgently provocative collection, noted writers, theologians, philosophers, and literary critics speak out against the war on terrorism and the government of George W. Bush as a response to the events of September 11, 2001. Critiquing government policy, citizen apathy, and societal justifications following the attacks, these writers present a wide range of opinions on such issues as contemporary American foreign policy; the relationship between Christianity, Islam, and Judaism; and displays of patriotism in the wake of the disaster.Whether insisting that to be a Christian is to be a pacifist, illuminating the narratives that have been used to legitimate the war on terror, or reflecting on the power of American consumer culture to transform the attack sites into patriotic tourist attractions, these essays refuse easy answers. They consider why the Middle East harbors a deep-seated hatred for the United States. They argue that the U.S. drive to win the Cold War made the nation more like its enemies, leading the government to support ruthless anti-Communist tyrants such as Mobutu, Suharto, and Pinochet. They urge Americans away from the pitfall of national self-righteousness toward an active peaceableness - an alert, informed, practiced state of being - deeply contrary to both passivity and war. Above all, the essays assembled in "Dissent from the Homeland" are a powerful entreaty for thought, analysis, and understanding. Originally published as a special issue of the journal "SAQ", "Dissent from the Homeland" has been expanded to include new essays as well as a new introduction and postscript.From "Dissent from the Homeland": 'God Bless America' is not a hymn any Christian can or should sing. At least it is not a hymn any Christian can or should sing unless it is understood that God's blessing incurs God's judgment' - Stanley Hauerwas. 'America is threatened by the most powerful enemy in its history, the administration of George W. Bush' - Frank Lentricchia. 'The hardest thing in the world is to know how to act so as to make the difference that can be made; to know how and why that differs from the act that only releases or expresses the basic impotence of resentment' - Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury.' We do need a 'new economy,' but one that is founded on thrift and care, on saving and conserving, not on excess and waste. An economy based on waste is inherently and hopelessly violent, and war is its inevitable by-product. We need a peaceable economy' - Wendell Berry, conservationist, farmer, essayist, novelist, and poet. The contributors are: Srinivas Aravamudan, Michael J. Baxter, Jean Baudrillard, Robert N. Bellah, Daniel Berrigan, Wendell Berry, Vincent Cornell, David James Duncan, Stanley Hauerwas, Fredric Jameson, Frank Lentricchia, Catherine Lutz, Jody McAuliffe, John Milbank, Peter Ochs, Donald E. Pease, Anne R. Slifkin, Rowan Williams, Susan Willis, and Slavoj Zizek.

本书采取访谈的形式，记录了当代最伟大的哲学家哈贝马斯和德里达就９·１１事件所作的分析。两位思想家的分析不局限于此，尽管具体的分析思路和最终结论各具特色，他们还是一致同意，应对启蒙运动进行反思，从中觅得９·１１事件的真正根源。全书是伟大思想之间的碰撞，也是思想与当代重大事件之间的相遇，因此，本书的“出现本身也堪称一个事件”。

「如果不想陷入以暴易暴的惡性循環，我們就必須回答一個重要的問題：在政治領域，除了帶來好戰的呼號，悲傷還能為我們帶來什麼？」在這部激情洋溢、極具個人風格的著作中，巴特勒深刻反思了「9·11」事件之后的美國社會，批評了美國當局發動長期戰爭的決策，繼而呼吁人們深入認識哀悼與暴力的力量，理解它們如何促成團結並鼓舞人們追求全球正義。顯然，巴特勒一直致力於激發、探索各類「麻煩」，而這也正是其學術志趣所在：「由心理世界出發探索公共生活，鼓舞人們懂得團結、認識痛苦。」誠如荷米·巴巴所言，正是這些因素使我們成為自由的主體。

Like many people in America and around the world, Talal Asad experienced the events of September 11, 2001, largely through the media and the emotional response of others. For many non-Muslims, "the suicide bomber" quickly became the icon of "an Islamic culture of death"& mdash;a conceptual leap that struck Asad as problematic. Is there a "religiously-motivated terrorism?" If so, how does it differ from other cruelties? What makes its motivation "religious"? Where does it stand in relation to other forms of collective violence?Drawing on his extensive scholarship in the study of secular and religious traditions as well as his understanding of social, political, and anthropological theory and research, Asad questions Western assumptions regarding death and killing. He scrutinizes the idea of a "clash of civilizations," the claim that "Islamic jihadism" is the essence of modern terror, and the arguments put forward by liberals to justify war in our time. He critically engages with a range of explanations of suicide terrorism, exploring many writers' preoccupation with the motives of perpetrators. In conclusion, Asad examines our emotional response to suicide (including suicide terrorism) and the horror it invokes.On Suicide Bombingis an original and provocative analysis critiquing the work of intellectuals from both the left and the right. Though fighting evil is an old concept, it has found new and disturbing expressions in our contemporary "war on terror." For Asad, it is critical that we remain aware of the forces shaping the discourse surrounding this mode of violence, and by questioning our assumptions about morally good and morally evil ways of killing, he illuminates the fragile contradictions that are a part of our modern subjectivity.

In "The Cultural Politics of the Emotions," Sara Ahmed develops a new methodology for reading "the emotionality of texts." She offers analyses of the role of emotions in debates on international terrorism, asylum and migration, and reconciliation and reparation, and reflects on the role of emotions in feminist and queer politics. Of interest to readers in gender studies and cultural studies, the psychology and sociology of emotions, and phenomenology and psychoanalysis, "The Cultural Politics of the Emotions" offers new ways of thinking about our inner and our outer lives.

Frequent reports of honor killings, disfigurement, and sensational abuse have given rise to a consensus in the West, a message propagated by human rights groups and the media: Muslim women need to be rescued. Lila Abu-Lughod boldly challenges this conclusion. An anthropologist who has been writing about Arab women for thirty years, she delves into the predicaments of Muslim women today, questioning whether generalizations about Islamic culture can explain the hardships these women face and asking what motivates particular individuals and institutions to promote their rights.
In recent years Abu-Lughod has struggled to reconcile the popular image of women victimized by Islam with the complex women she has known through her research in various communities in the Muslim world. Here, she renders that divide vivid by presenting detailed vignettes of the lives of ordinary Muslim women, and showing that the problem of gender inequality cannot be laid at the feet of religion alone. Poverty and authoritarianism--conditions not unique to the Islamic world, and produced out of global interconnections that implicate the West--are often more decisive. The standard Western vocabulary of oppression, choice, and freedom is too blunt to describe these women's lives.
Do Muslim Women Need Saving? is an indictment of a mindset that has justified all manner of foreign interference, including military invasion, in the name of rescuing women from Islam--as well as a moving portrait of women's actual experiences, and of the contingencies with which they live.

In this path-breaking work, Jasbir K. Puar argues that configurations of sexuality, race, gender, nation, class, and ethnicity are realigning in relation to contemporary forces of securitization, counterterrorism, and nationalism. She examines how liberal politics serves to incorporate certain queer subjects into the fold of the nation-state, through developments including the legal recognition inherent in the overturning of anti-sodomy laws and the proliferation of more mainstream representation. These incorporations have shifted queers from their construction as figures of death (the AIDS epidemic) to subjects tied to ideas of life and productivity (gay marriage and reproductive kinship).Puar contends, however, that this tenuous inclusion of some queer subjects depends on the production of populations of Orientalized terrorist bodies. Heteronormative ideologies that the U.S. nation-state has long relied on are now accompanied by homonormative ideologies replicating narrow racial, class, gender, and national ideals. These "homonationalisms" are deployed to distinguish upright "properly hetero," and now "properly homo," U.S. patriots from perversely sexualized and racialized terrorist look-a-likes - especially Sikhs, Muslims, and Arabs - who are cordoned off for detention and deportation. Puar combines transnational feminist and queer theory, Foucauldian biopolitics, Deleuzian philosophy, and technoscience criticism, and draws from an extraordinary range of sources, including governmental texts, legal decisions, films, television, ethnographic data, queer media, and activist organizing materials and manifestos. Looking at various cultural events and phenomena, she highlights troublesome links between terrorism and sexuality: in feminist and queer responses to the Abu Ghraib photographs, in the triumphal responses to the Supreme Court's Lawrence decision repealing anti-sodomy laws, in the measures Sikh Americans and South Asian diasporic queers take to avoid being profiled as terrorists, and in what Puar argues is a growing Islamophobia within global queer organizing.