《张棡日记》内容简介：张棡，字震轩，号真叟，瑞安汀川里人，家居杜隐园，晚年自号杜隐主人。出生于清咸丰十年（1806）。《张棡日记》收录对温州地方史研究有明显史料价值，包括政治、兵事、经济、教育、实业、农田、灾异、民俗、艺文、名胜、人物、轶闻等方面，均为《张棡日记》选入范围。《张棡日记》是一部长达半个世纪的日记巨著。它息自清光绪十四年（1888），止于民国三十一年（1942），前后达55年。其时间跨度之大，内容涵盖面之广，确属不可多得。所记内容，多为永、瑞一事事，但基本可窥见这时期温州发生的重大事件，也是这时期南社会面貌、民俗的实录，具有丰富的地文史 料价值。

黄遵宪，字公度，晚清爱国诗人，杰出的外交家、政治家、教育家，1848年生于嘉应州（今梅城东区下市角），卒于1905年。他的一生可分为四个阶段：即读书应试阶段（1863～1876）；出使阶段（1877～1894）；参加变法阶段（1895～1898）；乡居阶段（1899～1905）。1877年十月（光绪三年）黄遵宪应邀任参赞，随何如璋出使日本。光绪八年，黄遵宪调任驻美国旧金山总领事。光绪十三年，黄遵宪成书《日本国志》，书中以大量篇幅介绍日本明治维新的情况，并批判秦汉以后的专制主义，肯定西方的立法制度，提出一系列学习西方的主张。光绪二十一年，黄遵宪参加强学会成为维新运动中的积极分子。光绪二十二年黄遵宪邀请梁启超到沪创办《时务报》鼓吹变法。光绪二十二年十月黄遵宪入京受到光绪皇帝和帝党官僚接见，次年被任命为湖南长宝盐法道等职，积极协助湖南巡抚陈宝箴推行新政。光绪二十四年八月，光绪帝任命黄遵宪为出使日本大臣。戊戌政变失败后，黄遵宪被清政府列为“从严惩办”的维新乱党，但由于外国驻华公使等干预，清政府允许黄遵宪辞职还乡。黄遵宪回乡后仍热心推进立宪、革命等工作，并潜心新体诗创作，被誉为“诗界革命巨子”。同时，他热心家乡教育事业，创立嘉应兴学会议所，自任会长，积极兴办新学堂。黄遵宪的著作生平自定的有《日本杂事诗》、《日本国志》、《人境庐诗草》等3种。
本书搜集黄遵宪著作力求完备。全书共收录集主著作150万字，分为诗词、文录、函电、公牍、笔谈和专著六编。分别收录：诗1135首、词11首、曲赋2首、联语19对；文录55篇；函电226通；公牍64件；笔谈5种；专著为《日本国志》。书前有图16张；书后附录黄遵宪传记资料选辑5种。

本書以德富蘇峰之著作為文本，並以蘇峰之生平與當時日本國內外時代背景為輔，對於德富蘇峰之中國認識進行勾勒；除了分析蘇峰之中國認識外，並重新詮釋蘇峰之政治思想，體現其政治思想與政治行動之一致性，同時也重新解釋日本之國家發展過程。

A robust trade in human lives thrived throughout North China during the late Qing and Republican periods. Whether to acquire servants, slaves, concubines, or children—or dispose of unwanted household members—families at all levels of society addressed various domestic needs by participating in this market. Sold People brings into focus the complicit dynamic of human trafficking, including the social and legal networks that sustained it. Johanna Ransmeier reveals the extent to which the structure of the Chinese family not only influenced but encouraged the buying and selling of men, women, and children.
For centuries, human trafficking had an ambiguous status in Chinese society. Prohibited in principle during the Qing period, it was nevertheless widely accepted as part of family life, despite the frequent involvement of criminals. In 1910, Qing reformers, hoping to usher China into the community of modern nations, officially abolished the trade. But police and other judicial officials found the new law extremely difficult to enforce. Industrialization, urbanization, and the development of modern transportation systems created a breeding ground for continued commerce in people. The Republican government that came to power after the 1911 revolution similarly struggled to root out the entrenched practice.
Ransmeier draws from untapped archival sources to recreate the lived experience of human trafficking in turn-of-the-century North China. Not always a measure of last resort reserved for times of extreme hardship, the sale of people was a commonplace transaction that built and restructured families as often as it broke them apart.

Beginning in the 1920s thousands of Chinese revolutionaries set out for Soviet Russia. Once there, they studied Russian language and experienced Soviet communism, but many also fell in love, got married, or had children. In this they were similar to other people from all over the world who were enchanted by the Russian Revolution and lured to Moscow by it.
The Chinese who traveled to live and study in Moscow in a steady stream over the course of decades were a key human interface between the two revolutions, and their stories show the emotional investment backing ideological, economic, and political change. They embodied an attraction strong enough to be felt by young people in their provincial hometowns, strong enough to pull them across Siberia to a place that had previously held no interest at all. After the Revolution, the Chinese went home, fought a war, and then, in the 1950s, carried out a revolution that was and still is the Soviet Union's most geopolitically significant legacy. They also sent their children to study in Moscow and passed on their affinities to millions of Chinese, who read Russia's novels, watched its movies, and learned its songs. Russian culture was woven into the memories of an entire generation that came of age in the 1950s - a connection that has outlasted not just the Chinese Cultural Revolution and the collapse of the Soviet Union, but also the subsequent erosion of socialist values and practices. This multi-generational personal experience has given China's relationship with Russia an emotional complexity and cultural depth that were lacking before the advent of twentieth century communism - and have survived its demise. If the Chinese eventually helped to lead a revolution that resembled Russia's in remarkable ways, it was not only because class struggle intensified in China due to international imperialism as Lenin had predicted it would, or because Bolsheviks arrived in China to ensure that it did. It was also because as young people, they had been captivated by the potential of the Russian Revolution to help them to become new people and to create a new China.
This richly crafted and narrated book uses the metaphor of a life-long romance to tell a new story about the relationship between Russia and China. These lives were marked by an emotional engagement that often took the form of a romance: love affairs, marriages, divorces, and

《中国近代史》（The Rise of Modern China）自1970年面世后五次修订，销售数十万册，为欧美及东南亚等地中国近代史研究的权威著作及最畅销的学术教科书，是一本极具深远影响的经典作品。
这部近代史自清朝立国起，下迄21世纪，缕述四百年来中国近代社会之巨变。然作者明确指出，这段艰难的历程并非如大多西方汉学家所言，是一段西方因素不断输入而中国仅仅被动回应的历史。作者拈出“政府的政策和制度”、“反对外来因素的民族或种族抗争”以及“在新的天地里寻求一条求生之道”三条线索，作为推动近代中国发展的三股最重要动力，并通过对近代中国内部社会动荡的描摹，向世界讲述了“一个古老的儒家帝国经无比艰难，蜕变为一个近代民族国家”的历史。
作者徐中约虽身处欧美学界，在书中想表达的却是“以中国人的身份对近代中国发展进程的看法”，但这种表达不囿于任何一家学说、一种主义，开出一种折衷调和的历史观。作者以超越意识形态、阶级、党派、种族和文化的眼光，怀抱对各色历史人物的宽容、同情、善意之心，能够公平公正、客观冷静地看待历史事件的发生。并且参考了巨量不同语种的档案文献及研究著述，以跨学科的方法写就这部描述近四百年中华民族之挣扎历程的史学巨著。

《党员、党权与党争:1924—1949年中国国民党的组织形态》中讲述了国民党政权是中国历史上出现的第一个党治政权。它的建立，标志着中国政治形态在漫长的王朝帝制崩溃后，开始向一种新的党国体制转型。中国从此步入党治时代。蒋介石多次公开强调，国民党组织内部的“涣散松懈之弊”已经到了非常严重的程度。这种“涣散松懈”，源于它的“以军统党”的组织形态；源于基层建设的薄弱：城市有党，农村无党；源于党派的纷争离析：西山会议派、CC系、力行社、政学系、三青团等组织不断“火并”。最后，这个弱势独裁的政党无法逃脱尴尬悲凉的历史命运……
本书以国民党“治党史”为中心，着重探讨了国民党的组织结构、党员的社会构成、政治录用体制、党政关系、派系之争与党内精英冲突、党民关系与阶级基础等方面。