《暴力与社会秩序》在一个较为广阔的社会科学和历史学的框架中研究暴力问题，揭示经济行为与政治行为是怎样紧密地联结在一起的。在大多数我们称之为自然国家（natural states）的社会里，暴力的限制是通过对经济的政治操控而产生的特权利益（privileged interests）来达成的。特权使暴力不至于被强势的个人滥用，但这么做无疑又会阻碍经济和政治的发展。反之，现代社会则是通过开放经济与政治组织的权利，培育政治与经济的竞争，来限制暴力的。本书为我们理解这两种类型的社会秩序，以及为何开放的社会无论是政治还是经济都较为发达、何以有25个国家由一种社会秩序转型为了另一种，提供了一个框架。

本书全面阐述了资本主义的起源以及由此而引发的历史与理论方面的争论。全书分为三大部分。第壹部分回溯了最重要的历史解释以及围绕在这些解释周围的讨论，其重中之重在有关资本主义发展的最通俗模式——所谓“商业化模式”——以及对这一模式的主要挑战。第二、三部分则呈现了另一种历史解释。由于这个解释是基于第壹部分中的讨论，尤其是基于那些与普遍流行的传统观点不同的历史解释，孤儿作者希望能避免标准化的“避开正题”式的解释所具有的最常见缺陷。

《权力与市场》是美国当代杰出思想家穆雷·罗斯巴德的代表作。在书中，他秉承奥地利学派对政府控制和干预的一贯警惕，对政府干预市场的各种具体形态进行细致的归类、分析和批判，对反对自由市场的种种伦理论点提出了反驳，指出政府的控制和干预必然会损害正义。本书写作风格延续了罗斯巴德一贯的清晰与锐利。

内容简介：
"在人们通常的意识形态中，中国没有发生过经济危机，也不可能发生经济危机，最多只能算是经济波动，而不能算是危机。但作者认为，中国不仅发生过经济危机。而且中国自建国以来的六十年间，已经发生了8次经济危机，而这些危机均与国家工业化阶段性特征有关：在 “城乡”二元对立的基本体制矛盾约束下，工业化、城镇化以及整个体制的改革所产生的制度成本均向“三农”转嫁，因而城市的产业资本就可以实现“软着陆”，原有体制得以维持；而不能直接向农村转嫁的危机，就导致产业资本在城市“硬着陆”，引发政府财税金融、乃至整个经济体制的重大变革。
中国政府已经认识到“三农”问题对整个国民经济的重要作用，于是在2005年把“新农村建设”作为国家战略，连续增加数万亿投资以吸纳数千万“非农”就业的举措，最后成功地应对了2009年全球经济危机，实现了“软着陆”。
本书的主要观点是：“金融海啸”引发的全球危机，不仅是“金融化泡沫经济”所引起的，也是由“内含高成本上推”机制的西方现代政体在累积了大量的国家负债后产生的，因此中国人应引以为戒，加深对资本主义危机规律及其引发的内部乱像和外部地缘政治法西斯化倾向的认识。只有复兴生态文明，维持乡土社会内部化来应对外部性风险的综合性合作与自治，才是中国免于重蹈负债过高的现代化危机的合理选择。
"

《民主的经济理论》代表了将现代经济学的标准分析方法——一般均衡方法论——应用于政治科学的第一次系统的尝试。其基本出发点是：政治当事人（选民、政党与政府），也像经济当事人（消费者与生产者）一样，服从基本的“理性人”假设，即他们总是在给定的制度和非制度的约束下，最大限度地追求自己的私利。在这一基本的“理性人”假设下，《民主的经济理论》分析的重点在于理性的政治当事人会怎样行为，以及这些行为会产生什么后果。这样，与传统的政治科学相比，安东尼·唐斯的工作引入了两个全新的成分：（1）将全部理论分析置于一个基本的行为假设（“理性人”假设）之上；（2）从基本的行为假设（“理性人”假设）出发，得出经验上可检验的结论。上述做法体现了社会科学科学化的一个基本特征：公理化方法与实证方法的结合。与加里·贝克尔将经济学方法应用于社会领域的开创性工作一样，安东尼·唐斯的工作同样构成了将经济学应用于理解人类生活合理秩序的知识努力的具有永久价值的一部分。

本书是由戴蒙德先生关于人类社会贫富兴衰问题系列演讲的讲稿整理而成，以宏观比较视野、自然实验方法来探究各个人类社会的特点和异同，进而总结出人类社会兴衰的决定性因素，并对现代社会个人和国家的关系、现代国家的危机和风险等问题展开论述，还特别关注中国这一独特而古老、如今又正在崛起的文明，以其独特的解释系统来为中国的发展潜力和方向提供了宝贵意见。本书不仅展示了戴蒙德作为思想家对理论方法和世界各国历史信手拈来的能力，也展示了他作为老师耐心梳理、循循善诱、引导思考的丰富经验。

本书由英国学者范达娜·德赛和罗伯特·B.波特主持编写。本书的最大特征不仅在于涵盖内容广泛，更重要的是它简洁扼要地集合了发展研究领域内最重要、最前沿问题的权威概括。本书给读者构建了一个较高的阅读平台，读者不仅能够接受大量的信息，更能够从世界顶尖级学者的文章中获益。本书的每一节都附有相应的参考文献、阅读指南和相关网站信息，这些资料对于理解文章内容和做进一步的研究都有很大价值。

Product Description
Surveying three centuries of economic history, a Harvard professor argues for a leaner global system that puts national democracies front and center. From the mercantile monopolies of seventeenth-century empires to the modern-day authority of the WTO, IMF, and World Bank, the nations of the world have struggled to effectively harness globalization's promise. The economic narratives that underpinned these eras—the gold standard, the Bretton Woods regime, the "Washington Consensus"—brought great success and great failure. In this eloquent challenge to the reigning wisdom on globalization, Dani Rodrik offers a new narrative, one that embraces an ineluctable tension: we cannot simultaneously pursue democracy, national self-determination, and economic globalization. When the social arrangements of democracies inevitably clash with the international demands of globalization, national priorities should take precedence. Combining history with insight, humor with good-natured critique, Rodrik's case for a customizable globalization supported by a light frame of international rules shows the way to a balanced prosperity as we confront today's global challenges in trade, finance, and labor markets.

英国著名资产阶级经济学者亚当·斯密的代表著作《国民财富的性质和原因的研究》，出版于1776年。那时，正是英国资本主义的成长时期，英国手工制造业正在开始向大工业过渡，英国产业的发展，还在很大的程度上受着残余的封建制度和流行一时的重商主义的限制政策的束缚。处在青年时期的英国资产阶级，为了清除它前进道路上的障碍，正迫切要求一个自由的经济学说体系，为它鸣锣开道。亚当·斯密的《国民财富的性质和原因的研究》，就是在这个历史时期，负有这样的阶级历史任务而问世的。这部书总结了近代初期各国资本主义发展的经验，并在批判吸收了当时有关重要经济理论的基础上，就整个国民经济运动过程作了较系统、较明白的描述。此书出版以后，不但对于英国资本主义的发展，直接产生了重大的促进作用，而且对世界资本主义的发展来说，恐怕也没有过任何其他一部资产阶级的经济学著作，曾产生那么广泛的影响。无怪当时有些资产阶级学者把它奉为至宝。可是，历史很快就把它的局限性和缺点错误显示出来了。

民主与市场，研究的就是在东欧和拉丁美洲的一些国家，在迈向民主与市场的途中，会遇着什么样的结局？普沃斯基教授并 没有给出一个定论，相反，他以学者的认真与严谨，探讨的是向民主过渡的策略与条件。读者翻开这本书，您首先选择看的应当是普沃斯基教授自己所作的序言，他已经对全书的内容作了提纲挈领式的概括，这远甚于译者所能做的一切了。作者所强调的政治与经济转型的相互依赖性，在分析中所引用的广泛的各方数据，运用的源于政治哲学、经济学和博弈论中的一些模型，都将会给大家留下畅快淋漓的感觉。在东欧与拉丁美洲，传统的经济发展战略已经崩溃，整个政治经济体系都处于转型之中。
这些大胆迈向民主与市场的国家，这样的过渡是会导致民主还是一种新的独裁？将会形成的经济体系是全新的或者本质依旧？本书重点分析了东欧和拉美国家向民主的过渡和市场经济化和改革。作者运用源于政治哲学、经济学和博弈论中的一些模型，特别强调了政治与经济转型的相互依赖性。

The quest for freedom from hunger and repression has triggered in recent years a dramatic, worldwide reform of political and economic systems. Never have so many people enjoyed, or at least experimented with democratic institutions. However, many strategies for economic development in Eastern Europe and Latin America have failed with the result that entire economic systems on both continents are being transformed. This major book analyzes recent transitions to democracy and market-oriented economic reforms in Eastern Europe and Latin America. Drawing in a quite distinctive way on models derived from political philosophy, economics, and game theory, Professor Przeworski also considers specific data on individual countries. Among the questions raised by the book are: What should we expect from these experiments in democracy and market economy? What new economic systems will emerge? Will these transitions result in new democracies or old dictatorships?

自由市场一直面临两个最重要的反对者：观念上被某些人文知识分子反感，现实中政府往往会出台管制市场的各种措施。本书收入米塞斯的两本小书：《官僚体制》和《反资本主义的心态》，对于人文知识分子和政府官僚与市场的关系进行深入的社会学与心理学剖析。
这两本书是米塞斯拥有读者最多的作品，在他生前就被译为20多种文字，直到今天才首次译为中文。

Between 1492 and 1914, Europeans conquered 84 percent of the globe. But why did Europe rise to the top, when for centuries the Chinese, Japanese, Ottomans, and South Asians were far more advanced? Why didn't these powers establish global dominance? In Why Did Europe Conquer the World?, distinguished economic historian Philip Hoffman demonstrates that conventional responses--such as geography, epidemic disease, and the Industrial Revolution--fail to provide answers. Arguing instead for the pivotal role of economic and political history, Hoffman shows that if variables had been at all different, Europe would not have achieved critical military innovations, and another power could have become master of the world.
In vivid detail, Hoffman sheds light on the two millennia of economic, political, and historical changes that set European states on a distinctive path of development and military rivalry. Compared to their counterparts in China, Japan, South Asia, and the Middle East, European leaders--whether chiefs, lords, kings, emperors, or prime ministers--had radically different incentives, which drove them to make war. These incentives, which Hoffman explores using an economic model of political costs and financial resources, resulted in astonishingly rapid growth in Europe's military sector from the Middle Ages on, and produced an insurmountable lead in gunpowder technology. The consequences determined which states established colonial empires or ran the slave trade, and even which economies were the first to industrialize.
Debunking traditional arguments, Why Did Europe Conquer the World? reveals the startling reasons behind Europe's historic global supremacy.

In this incisive analysis of one of the most spectacular economic breakthroughs in the Deng era, Jean C. Oi shows how and why Chinese rural-based industry has become the fastest growing economic sector not just in China but in the world. Oi argues that decollectivization and fiscal decentralization provided party officials of the localities—counties, townships, and villages—with the incentives to act as entrepreneurs and to promote rural industrialization in many areas of the Chinese countryside. As a result, the corporatism practiced by local officials has become effective enough to challenge the centrality of the national state.
Dealing not only with the political setting of rural industrial development, Oi's original and strongly argued study also makes a broader contribution to conceptualizations of corporatism in political theory. Oi writes provocatively about property rights and principal-agent relationships and shows the complex financial incentives that underpin and strengthen the growth in local state corporatism and shape its evolution. This book will be essential for those interested in Chinese politics, comparative politics, and communist and post-communist systems.

Should government's power to tax be limited? The events of the late 1970s in the wake of California's Proposition 13 brought this question very sharply into popular focus. Whether the power to tax should be restricted, and if so how, are issues of immediate policy significance. Providing a serious analysis of these issues, the authors offer an approach to the understanding and evaluation of the fiscal system, one that yields profound implications. Fiscal arrangements are analysed in terms of the preferences of citizen-taxpayers who are permitted at some constitutional level of choice to select the fiscal institutions to which they themselves are to be subject over an uncertain future. The central question becomes: How much 'power to tax' would the citizen voluntarily grant to government as a party to some initial social contract devising a fiscal constitution? Those in office are assumed to exploit the power assigned to them to the maximum possible extent: government is modelled as 'revenue-maximizing Leviathan'. Armed with such a model, the authors proceed to trace out the restrictions on the power to tax that might be expected to emerge from the citizen's constitutional deliberations.

作者以统计资料为基础，全面分析俄国农业的演变历程，深入探讨不同经济社会条件下国家调节粮食市场的可能性和手段，以及向战时共产主义政策的过渡等若干问题。本书从学术价值看，粮食市场及其调节始终是世界经济的主要问题之一，同时战争和革命时期俄国调节粮食市场的政策又富有其自身的特点；就理论价值而言，本书着眼于从经济角度剖析非常时期国家调节军队和居民粮食供给的手段，涉及市场调节方式、价格形成过程、供求关系等重要经济理论。

Is China building a new empire in rural Africa? Over the past decade, China's meteoric rise on the continent has raised a drumbeat of alarm. China has 9 percent of the world's arable land, 6 percent of its water, and over 20 percent of its people. Africa's savannahs and river basins host the planet's largest expanses of underutilized land and water. Few topics are as controversial and emotionally charged as the belief that the Chinese government is aggressively buying up huge tracts of prime African land to grow food to ship back to China.
In Will Africa Feed China?, Deborah Brautigam, one of the world's leading experts on China and Africa, probes the myths and realities behind the media headlines. Her careful research challenges the conventional wisdom; as she shows, Chinese farming investments are in fact surprisingly limited, and land acquisitions modest. Defying expectations, China actually exports more food to Africa than it imports. Is this picture likely to change? African governments are pushing hard for foreign capital, and China is building a portfolio of tools to allow its agribusiness firms to "go global." International concerns about "land grabbing" are well-justified. Yet to feed its own growing population, rural Africa must move from subsistence to commercial agriculture. What role will China play? Moving from the halls of power in Beijing to remote irrigated rice paddies of Africa, Will Africa Feed China? introduces the people and the politics that will shape the future of this engagement: the state-owned Chinese agribusiness firms that pioneered African farming in the 1960s and the entrepreneurial private investors who followed them. Their fascinating stories, and those of the African farmers and officials who are their counterparts, ground Brautigam's deeply informative, deftly balanced reporting.
Forcefully argued and empirically rich, Will Africa Feed China? will be a landmark work, shedding new light on China's evolving global quest for food security and Africa's possibilities for structural transformation.

辑录韦伯学术早期的四篇主要论作，是为以往韦伯
研究所忽视，现今则受到学界特别重视的文本。展示出
韦伯在最初转向经济学研究时的问题意识和独特方法。
韦伯在此阶段思考的中心问题，乃是由当时的社会背景
所引发，即德国从农业文明转向工业资本主义发展时所
面临的经济、政治、文化诸方面困境。
编者整理的韦伯生平著述年表，是一份了解韦伯的
重要文献资料。
马克斯・韦伯（MaxWeber1864－1920），德国政治经
济学家，著述有系列专著《宗教社会学论集》（其中《新
教伦理与资本主义精神》由三联书店1987年出版），《经
济，诸社会领域及权力》（三联书店即出）。

为什么十月革命后建立起来的是一个过渡社会，而不是全面超越资本主义的新型社会形态？为什么有组织的工人运动迄今不可避免地出现官僚化？为什么马克思主义不等于乌托邦、不等于“通往奴役之路”？在苏东巨变后，社会主义还有没有前途？……作者曼德尔通过分析工人阶级群众组织的官僚化、工人国家的官僚化、资产阶级国家的官僚化和私人大公司的官僚化，揭示了工人官僚集团产生的经济根源和制度根源，对20世纪社会主义的历史作了批判性的总结。

本书论述了资本主义世界经济体系，即现代世界体系的起源与发展的历程。现代世界体系发端于欧洲的部分地区，后来不断发展，逐渐把世界其他一些地区纳入其中，直至覆盖全球。作者认为，21世界中期资本主义世界体系将让位于后继的体系（一个或多个）。我们不能预测他会是一个什么样的体系，但能通过我们目前政治的和道德的活动来影响其结果。本书享誉西方学术界，是西方大学生必读的参考书。它不是一般的世界近现代史著作，而是一部整体地阐述近5个半世纪世界历史进程的综合性宏观论著。