For over a century, voting has been a surprisingly common political activity in China. Voting as a Rite examines China’s experiments with elections from the perspective of intellectual and cultural history. Rather than arguing that such exercises were either successful or failed attempts at political democracy, the book instead focuses on a previously unasked question: how did those who participated in Chinese elections define success or failure for themselves? Answering this question reveals why Chinese elites originally became enamored of elections at the end of the nineteenth century, why critics complained about elections that featured real competition in the early twentieth century, and why elections continued to be held after the mid-twentieth century even though outcomes were predetermined by the state. While no mainland Chinese government has ever felt that its rule required validation at the ballot box, the discourses that surrounded elections reveal much about important tensions within modern Chinese political thought. What is the best means to identify talent? Can the state trust the people to act responsibly as citizens? As Joshua Hill shows, elections are vital, not peripheral, to understanding these concerns fully.

Rapid social economic changes, the transition from a planned economy to a market economy, or even economic liberalization can lead to political instability and the collapse of authoritarian regimes. Despite experiencing all of these unprecedented changes in the past forty years, China under the Chinese Communist Party’s leadership has so far successfully transformed and improved both its governance capacity and its ruling capacity. Governing and Ruling: The Political Logic of Taxation in China addresses this regime resilience puzzle by examining the political logic of its taxation system, especially the ways in which taxation helps China handle three governance problems: maneuvering social control, improving agent discipline, and eliciting cooperation. Changdong Zhang argues that a taxation system plays an important role in sustaining authoritarian rule, in China and elsewhere, by combining co-optation and repression functions. The book collects valuable firsthand and secondhand data; studies China’s taxation system, intergovernmental fiscal relationships, composition of fiscal revenue sources, and tax administration; and discusses how each dimension influences the three governance problems.

《国家建构：国家为什么聚合或崩溃》探讨了世代相传的缓慢移动过程如何影响全世界不同国家的国家建构前景。安德烈亚斯·威默在书中综合运用三对案例比较分析和全球大样本数据分析的方法，从志愿组织的发展、国家供应公共物品的能力、语言多样性等变量进行了深入探讨，将民族构建聚焦在一个缓慢、代际的过程。威默比较了瑞士和比利时，指出志愿组织的早期发展如何强化了民族构建；比较了博茨瓦纳和索马里，阐述公共物品供应如何将不同的政治选区团结起来；比较了中国和俄罗斯，证明共同的语言空间如何帮助跨越族群边界构建政治同盟。
本书荣获2019年巴林顿·摩尔图书奖。
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《国家建构——聚合与崩溃》是社会科学研究的典范。通过定量和定性的实证方法，威默开展了一项雄心勃勃的工作，以解读国家地位形成的决定性因素。他强调长期、缓慢移动的过程，但他对这些过程在代理机构、领导地位和政策策略方面的影响很敏感。其中的一个核心见解是，民族国家认同不是族群同质性的产物，而是由公共物品的包容性供应所产生的。
——丹尼·罗德里克（Dani Rodrik），哈佛大学国际政治经济学教授
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本书史料丰富，通过理论、控制比较和统计检验，解释了国家的兴衰，是历史社会学的一部巨作。
——戴维·莱廷（David Laitin），斯坦福大学政治学教授
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本书考察了在建立民族国家地位期间与族群成员身份有关的特定难题。为什么在一些国家，族群政治等级制在建国过程中始终存在，而在另一些国家，国家建构过程却成为化解族群政治分歧的契机？
——萨斯基娅·萨森（Saskia Sassen），哥伦比亚大学社会学教授
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本书深度剖析了早期国家形成、公民社会团体、公共物品供应和共同的语言如何促成成功的国家建构。威默是这一领域的前沿学者，这部巨作体现了他的学术成果。
——约翰·霍尔（John Hall），麦吉尔大学社会学教授
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威默是宏观比较研究者中最扎实、最有说服力的学者之一。他做到了一位毫无偏颇的社会科学家应该做的。本书就是一个范例。
——兰德尔·柯林斯（Randall Collins），宾夕法尼亚大学社会学教授
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庞大的问题，宏大的视角，严谨的设计，流畅的写作。威默会让韦伯也为之骄傲！
——华康德（Loïc Wacquant），加州大学伯克利分校社会学教授

《建构与认同:新中国民族工作研究(以贵州省为例)(1949-1956年)》具有以下三个特点：第一，在研究范式方面.在革命性叙事的基础上，综合运用现代性叙事与后现代性叙事，拓宽了研究的视野。第二，以贵州省为切八点.运用实证的方法.具体考察了新中国成立初期的民族工作与中共一系列政策和制度建构,为以后民族工作的开展提供了重要的借鉴作用第三.在历史学的基础上.综合运用政治学、民族学和社会学等方面的知识，并进行了一定的田野调查.表现了作者相当的理论功底。
《建构与认同:新中国民族工作研究(以贵州省为例)(1949-1956年)》以贵州省为中心.剖析了贵州从历史上“因俗施治”的封建上层自治制度向新中国人民自治的民族区域自治制度转变中民族与政权的结合模式是如何转换的，论述了民族与阶级、民族与宗教关系，并将贵州民族问题放在中华民族多元一体格局和贵州地区特色中考察牢牢把握民族平等民族团结、民族区域自治的基本政策和各民族共同团结奋斗、共同协调发展的主流论文资料翔实立论正确，研究视野宽阔。

▼大きく変化し、ますます注目を集める現代中国政治。
海外を含むこれまでの主な研究・文献を分野別に整理し、問題設定・研究アプローチ（分析枠組み）・今後の課題と研究の方向性の見取り図を明快に描く、最新の研究ガイド。
▼中国政治を学び、研究対象とする、学部3・4年生（学部専門課程）・大学院生・および若い研究者たちが、自分のレポート・卒論・学位論文の研究テーマ・方向性を練り上げる際に参照できる水先案内であり、また、中国関係者・メディア関係者がこの分野における研究状況・研究者を把握しようとする際にも読める、もっとも信頼できるガイドブックである。

一九一七年的俄國革命是二十世紀政治史上一個重要的事件，在震撼世界的十天裡，為世界帶來一連串的騷亂與迴響。俄國革命所釋放的能量，至今仍直接或間接地影響整個世界政治的運轉。
本書主要在探索這場革命發生的原因以及過程。從一八六一年解放農奴開始，一直到一九一七年冬天布爾什維克黨取得政權，建立蘇維埃政府為止。解放農奴的法案通過後，俄帝國緊接著行政組織的改革，但多數法案卻含糊且矛盾。改革產生了新的社會、政治與思想的活力，但這些力量卻與當下的沙皇體制捍恪。於是人民的力量在壓縮許久後爆發，終促成了俄國人民的革命….

In 1949, at the end of a long period of wars, one of the biggest challenges facing leaders of the new People’s Republic of China was how much they did not know. The government of one of the world’s largest nations was committed to fundamentally reengineering its society and economy via socialist planning while having almost no reliable statistical data about their own country. Making It Count is the history of efforts to resolve this “crisis in counting.” Drawing on a wealth of sources culled from China, India, and the United States, Arunabh Ghosh explores the choices made by political leaders, statisticians, academics, statistical workers, and even literary figures in attempts to know the nation through numbers.
Ghosh shows that early reliance on Soviet-inspired methods of exhaustive enumeration became increasingly untenable in China by the mid-1950s. Unprecedented and unexpected exchanges with Indian statisticians followed, as the Chinese sought to learn about the then-exciting new technology of random sampling. These developments were overtaken by the tumult of the Great Leap Forward (1958–61), when probabilistic and exhaustive methods were rejected and statistics was refashioned into an ethnographic enterprise. By acknowledging Soviet and Indian influences, Ghosh not only revises existing models of Cold War science but also globalizes wider developments in the history of statistics and data.
Anchored in debates about statistics and its relationship to state building, Making It Count offers fresh perspectives on China’s transition to socialism.

Party competition for votes in free and fair elections involves complex interactions by multiple actors in political landscapes that are continuously evolving, yet classical theoretical approaches to the subject leave many important questions unanswered. Here Michael Laver and Ernest Sergenti offer the first comprehensive treatment of party competition using the computational techniques of agent-based modeling. This exciting new technology enables researchers to model competition between several different political parties for the support of voters with widely varying preferences on many different issues. Laver and Sergenti model party competition as a true dynamic process in which political parties rise and fall, a process where different politicians attack the same political problem in very different ways, and where today's political actors, lacking perfect information about the potential consequences of their choices, must constantly adapt their behavior to yesterday's political outcomes. "Party Competition" shows how agent-based modeling can be used to accurately reflect how political systems really work. It demonstrates that politicians who are satisfied with relatively modest vote shares often do better at winning votes than rivals who search ceaselessly for higher shares of the vote. It reveals that politicians who pay close attention to their personal preferences when setting party policy often have more success than opponents who focus solely on the preferences of voters, that some politicians have idiosyncratic "valence" advantages that enhance their electability - and much more.

威廉‧瑞克的《政治聯盟理論》，自出版以來一直在政治學界擁有非常特別的地位。除了它是政治學形式理論最早期的重要著作之一，更重要的是它觸及了政治生活的核心，亦即對政治聯盟的發展，有非常完整且精闢的論述，在政治學界享有非常高的評價。
事實上，威廉‧瑞克的《政治聯盟理論》不但是政治學形式理論研究的重要啟蒙著作，更是激勵許多政治學研究者大膽朝向科學研究理想邁進的典範。本書的目的是應用現存的一般聯盟理論（多人賽局理論），建構出有助於政治科學研究的聯盟理論。它確立了數學模型與真實世界政治行動之間，的確存在重要的關聯性；除了在理論上，完整闡述政治聯盟的分合邏輯外，對於現實政治現象的解釋力與洞察力，亦鮮有其他論著能與之匹敵。
《政治聯盟理論》的翻譯，能夠讓中文的讀者更接近地看見，二十世紀政治學理性選擇理論的開山祖師，如何用他的觀點與方法，重新詮釋政治學的範圍與方法。對於一般讀者甚至是政治學科的學習者而言，《政治聯盟理論》雖然不容易閱讀卻對未來政治學研究充滿了卓富洞見的建議，值得細細深思與品味。

This is a new edition of Geoffrey Parker's much-admired illustrated account of how the West, so small and so deficient in natural resources in 1500, had by 1800 come to control over one-third of the world. Parker argues that the rapid development of military practice in the West constituted a 'military revolution' which gave Westerners an insurmountable advantage over the peoples of other continents. This edition incorporates new material, including a substantial 'Afterword' which summarises the debate which developed after the book's first publication.

本书为比较政治经济学领域名著，作者对英法两国“国家”干预经济的经济政策与绩效方面的差异，进行了比较分析，指出：由于两国在国家、资本、劳工的组织结构方面存在差异，其经济政策模式亦存在明显差异，英国各种相对固定的组织结构限制了英国决策采用补救措施的有效性，从而无法阻止英国经济的衰落；法国政府则在战后建立起全面的经济计划体制，政府由此可以积极运用各种政策手段来推动产业发展。

What explains the rapid growth of state power in early modern Europe? While most scholars have pointed to the impact of military or capitalist revolutions, Philip S. Gorski argues instead for the importance of a disciplinary revolution unleashed by the Reformation. By refining and diffusing a variety of disciplinary techniques and strategies, such as communal surveillance, control through incarceration, and bureaucratic office-holding, Calvin and his followers created an infrastructure of religious governance and social control that served as a model for the rest of Europe—and the world.
Table of Contents
Preface and Acknowledgments
Introduction
1. Body and Soul: Calvinism, Discipline, and State Power in Early Modern Europe
2. Disciplinary Revolution from below in the Low Countries
3. Disciplinary Revolution from above in Brandenburg-Prussia
4. Social Disciplining in Comparative Perspective
Conclusion
Notes
Bibliography
Index

本书运用历史比较方法，围绕“国家形成”这一核心概念，深入探讨了英国、法国、美国等国家教育体系的起源及发展过程。全书包括“各国国民教育体系发展的不平衡性、国民教育体系的社会起源、教育与国家形成、欧洲大陆的教育和中央集权制、美国的经验：教育、民族性和地方分权、英国教育和自由国家”六个部分，作者以另类视角运用了马克思主义的国家理论、葛兰西的意识形态和霸权理论阐明了国家形成对于解释现代教育制度起源的重要意义，分析了国家形成与教育之间的关系，指出了教育在国家形成过程中的作用。该书具有较高的理论价值及实践意义。
本书是英国伦敦大学教育学院比教育学家和教育历史学家安迪·格林教授撰写的一部享誉西方教育学术界的教育比较史研究著作，作者在翻译过程中尽管碰到语言上、思想上、学术上的诸多问题，但尽力准确地传达作者在本书中的所思、所想。

No subject is more central to the study of politics than elections. All across the globe, elections are a focal point for citizens, the media, and politicians long before―and sometimes long after―they occur. Electoral systems, the rules about how voters' preferences are translated into election results, profoundly shape the results not only of individual elections but also of many other important political outcomes, including party systems, candidate selection, and policy choices. Electoral systems have been a hot topic in established democracies from the UK and Italy to New Zealand and Japan. Even in the United States, events like the 2016 presidential election and court decisions such as Citizens United have sparked advocates to promote change in the Electoral College, redistricting, and campaign-finance rules. Elections and electoral systems have also intensified as a field of academic study, with groundbreaking work over the past decade sharpening our understanding of how electoral systems fundamentally shape the connections among citizens, government, and policy. This volume provides an in-depth exploration of the origins and effects of electoral systems.

How does the excessive bureaucratization of central planning affect politics in communist countries? Mark Beissinger suggests an answer through this history of the Soviet Scientific Management movement and its contemporary descendants, raising at the same time broader questions about the political consequences of economic systems.
Beissinger traces the rise and decline of administrative strategies throughout Soviet history, focusing on the roles of managerial technique and disciplinary coercion. He argues that over-bureaucratization leads to a succession of national crises of effectiveness, which political leaders use to challenge the power of entrenched elites and to consolidate their rule. It also encourages leaders to resort to radical administrative strategies—technocratic utopias, mass mobilization, and discipline campaigns—and gives rise to a cycling syndrome, as similar problems and solutions reappear over time. Beissinger gives a new perspective and interpretation of Soviet history through the prism of organizational theory. He also provides a comprehensive history of the Soviet rationalization movement from Lenin to Gorbachev that describes the recurring attractions and tensions between politicians and management experts, as well as the reception accorded Western management techniques in the Soviet factory and management-training classroom.
Beissinger uses a number of unusual sources: the personal archive of Aleksei Gastev, the foremost Soviet Taylorist of the 1920s; published Soviet archival documents; unpublished Soviet government documents and dissertations on management science and executive training; interviews with Soviet management scientists; and the author’s personal observations of managers attending a three-month executive training program in the Soviet Union. Beissinger’s skillful handling of this singular material will attract the attention of political scientists, historians, and economists, especially those working in Soviet studies.