In this innovative approach to the practice of social science, Charles Ragin explores the use of fuzzy sets to bridge the divide between quantitative and qualitative methods. Paradoxically, the fuzzy set is a powerful tool because it replaces an unwieldy, "fuzzy" instrument (the variable, which establishes only the positions of cases relative to each other) with a precise one (degree of membership in a well-defined set). Ragin argues that fuzzy sets allow a far richer dialogue between ideas and evidence in social research than previously possible. They let quantitative researchers abandon "homogenizing assumptions" about cases and causes, they extend diversity-oriented research strategies, and they provide a powerful connection between theory and data analysis. Most important, fuzzy sets can be carefully tailored to fit evolving theoretical concepts, sharpening quantitative tools with in-depth knowledge gained through qualitative, case-oriented inquiry. This book should revolutionize research methods not only in sociology, political science and anthropology but in any field of inquiry dealing with complex patterns of causation.

本书接续了国内外学界十几年来对于“大分流”问题的关切和比较史学的研究路径，深潜入“大分流”发生前的几个世纪，探讨促成“大分流”现象的深层逻辑。与彭慕兰（Kenneth Pomeranz）的经典著作不同，本书主要从政治视角观察中国和欧洲经济变迁的进程，由此发现：政治制度和政权的空间规模是促成“大分流”*根本的原因，在“大分流”真正显现之前的几个世纪，差异的种子就已经深埋在中国和欧洲的政治架构之中了。本书以宏大的视野、前沿的社会科学理论，重新审视欧洲大陆两端近千年的历史进程，对诸如近代经济转型问题、中西历史比较问题、中国历史重新评估问题、制度史研究的视野与路径问题，都提供了极具洞察力的理论和实证研究。本书的两位作者此前分别致力于中国经济史研究和欧洲经济史研究，他们的合作也说明：历史学家与经济学家，中国史学家与欧洲史学家并肩作战，能够写出一部坚实且耐看的经济史著作。

The origins of nationalism and anti-globalization are traced by the bestselling author of Imagined Communities.
In this sparkling new work, Benedict Anderson provides a radical recasting of themes from Imagined Communities, his classic book on nationalism, through an exploration of fin-de-siècle politics and culture that spans the Caribbean, Imperial Europe and the South China Sea.
A jewelled pomegranate packed with nitroglycerine is primed to blow away Manila's 19th-century colonial elite at the climax of El Filibusterismo, whose author, the great political novelist José Rizal, was executed in 1896 by the Spanis authorities in the Philippines at the age of 35. Anderson explores the impact of avant-garde European literature and politics on Rizal and his contemporary, the pioneering folklorist Isabelo de los Reyes, who was imprisoned in Manila after the violent uprisings of 1896 and later incarcerated, together with Catalan anarchists, in the prison fortress of Montjuich in Barcelona. On his return to the Philippines, by now under American occupation, Isabelo formed the first militant trade unions under the influence of Malatesta and Bakunin.
Anderson considers the complex intellectual interactions of these young Filipinos with the new "science" of anthropology in Germany and Austro-Hungary, and with post-Communard experimentalists in Paris, against a background of militant anarchism in Spain, France, Italy and the Americas, José Marti's armed uprising in Cuba and anti-imperialist protests in China and Japan. In doing so, he depicts the dense intertwining of anarchist internationalism and radical anti-colonialism.
Under Three Flags is a brilliantly original work on the explosive history of national independence and global politics.

本书是对政治学领域进行研究设计的基本问题的方法论介绍，内容浅显易懂，是一本使用的操作指南，适合政治学、社会学、人类学、经济学和历史学专业的研究生和本科生及其导师使用。全书分为六章，分别论述研究设计与相关知识的构建；研究问题的提出如何影响研究结果；研究对象和案例的选择如何影响研究结果；研究论据的采用如何影响研究结果；研究方法和技术的选择如何影响研究结果；以及最后的总结。

When lives are dominated by hunger, what becomes of love? When assaulted by daily acts of violence and untimely death, what happens to trust? Set in the lands of Northeast Brazil, this is an account of the everyday experience of scarcity, sickness and death that centres on the lives of the women and children of a hillside "favela". Bringing her readers to the impoverished slopes above the modern plantation town of Bom Jesus de Mata, where she has worked on and off for 25 years, the author follows three generations of shantytown women as they struggle to survive through hard work, cunning and triage. It is a story of class relations told at the most basic level of bodies, emotions, desires and needs. Most disturbing - and controversial - is her finding that mother love, as conventionally understood, is something of a bourgeois myth, a luxury for those who can reasonably expect, as these women cannot, that their infants will live. The author also wrote "Saints, Scholars and Schizophrenics: Mental Illness in Rural Ireland".

本书综合考察了从中世纪到近代早期欧洲的代表大会制度与公债借贷的共同发展，这在同类研究中尚属首次。这本开创性著作指出，政治代表制度的独特优势为一些欧洲国家获取早期优惠信贷创造了条件，然而活跃的政治代表制度本身，还有赖于两个潜在因素：内部联系紧密的地理疆域，以及商人的得势。通过探索欧洲早期的政治代表制度与国家借贷之间的联系，本书对欧洲国家形成以及欧洲经济兴盛等问题的研究做出了贡献。

The authors of this ambitious book address a fundamental political question: why are leaders who produce peace and prosperity turned out of office while those who preside over corruption, war, and misery endure? Considering this political puzzle, they also answer the related economic question of why some countries experience successful economic development and others do not.The authors construct a provocative theory on the selection of leaders and present specific formal models from which their central claims can be deduced. They show how political leaders allocate resources and how institutions for selecting leaders create incentives for leaders to pursue good and bad public policy. They also extend the model to explain the consequences of war on political survival. Throughout the book, they provide illustrations from history, ranging from ancient Sparta to Vichy France, and test the model against statistics gathered from cross-national data. The authors explain the political intuition underlying their theory in nontechnical language, reserving formal proofs for chapter appendixes. They conclude by presenting policy prescriptions based on what has been demonstrated theoretically and empirically.

This pathbreaking book offers the first in-depth study of Chinese labor activism during the momentous upheaval of the Cultural Revolution. Arguing that labor was working at cross purposes, the authors explore three distinctive and different forms of working-class protest: rebellion, conservatism, and economism. Drawing upon a wealth of heretofore inaccessible archival sources, the authors probe the divergent political, psychocultural, and socioeconomic strains within the Shanghai labor movement, convincingly illustrating the complexity of working-class politics in contemporary China.

Weapons of the Weak is an ethnography by James C. Scott that studies the effects of the Green Revolution in rural Malaysia. One of the main objectives of the study is to make an argument that the Marxian and Gramscian ideas of false consciousness and hegemony are incorrect. He develops this conclusion throughout the book, through the different scenarios and characters that come up during his time of fieldwork in the village. This publication, based on 2 years of fieldwork (1978-1980), focuses on the local class relations in a small rice farming community of 70 households in the main paddy-growing area of Kedah in Malaysia. Introduction of the Green Revolution in 1976 eliminated 2/3 of the wage-earning opportunities for smallholders and landless laborers. The main ensuing class struggle is analyzed being the ideological struggle in the village and the practice of resistance itself consisting of: foot-dragging, dissimulation, desertion, false compliance, pilfering, feigned ignorance and sabotage acts. Rich and poor are engaged in an unremitting if silent struggle to define changes in land tenure, mechanization and employment to advance their own interests, and to use values that they share to control the distribution of status, land, work and grain.

This 2002 study examines the process by which the seemingly impossible in 1987 - the disintegration of the Soviet state - became the seemingly inevitable by 1991, providing an original interpretation not only of the Soviet collapse, but also of the phenomenon of nationalism more generally. Probing the role of nationalist action as both cause and effect, Beissinger utilizes data and case studies from across the USSR during its final years to elicit the shifting relationship between pre-existing structural conditions, institutional constraints, and event-generated influences in the nationalist explosions that brought about the collapse of the Soviet Union. As Beissinger demonstrates, the 'tidal' context of nationalism - i.e., the transnational influence of one nationalism upon another - is critical to an explanation of the success and failure of particular nationalisms, why some nationalisms turn violent, and how a crescendo of events can overwhelm states, periodically evoking large-scale structural change in the character of the state system.

Popkin develops a model of rational peasant behavior and shows how village procedures result from the self-interested interactions of peasants. This political economy view of peasant behavior stands in contrast to the model of a distinctive peasant moral economy in which the village community is primarily responsible for ensuring the welfare of its members.

非常高兴我关于后社会主义转轨的思想能与中国读者见面。我真诚地希望，这本著作与中国经济科学出版社1986年和l999年出版的我的著作——《短缺经济学》一起，将有助于中国读者更清楚地了解东欧各国转型的来龙去脉，以及它们现在的状况。同时，我也希望这本集子能引起人们更深入广泛地讨论转型这个极为复杂的过程。
《后社会主义转轨的思索》这本集子中的文献都是在1989年和l999年间公开发表的。该书前几篇文章关注的是探求一条新道路过程中的初始阶段。一座新的大厦能够在旧的、僵?的基础上建立起来吗?东欧社会主义改革的倡导者曾希望发现一条“第三条道路”，来建设一个既区别于资本主义也区别于传统社会主义并有所改善的新社会。这几篇文章讨论了这种尝试的结果和前景。
其余的几篇文章涉及后社会主义的发展。其中前几篇给出了实证描述和对该过程的预言，而最后两篇——对匈牙利福利制度改革的评价——实证和规范方法相结合，则是建立在我个人的价值判断的基础上的。

本书主要考察中央地方关系在当代中国的变迁过程及其与城镇化和社会发展方面的联系。在大量经验调查和理论研究的基础上，本书指出，二十世纪八十年代的财政包干制和九十年代的分税制是理解中央地方关系变迁的关键要素。财政包干制为地方政府“大办企业”和快速的地方工业化提供了激励，而分税制则促使地方政府发生了由“经营企业”到“经营土地”和“经营城市”的转向。本书从土地指标获取和城镇化模式两个方面分析了中央地方关系的变化对地方政府行为的深刻影响，为我们理解当代中国的经济社会发展提供了一种较有洞察力的视角。

本书的基本内容包括资本主义的起源以及由此而引发的历史与理论方面的争论。全书分为三大部分。第一部分回溯了最重要的历史解释以及围绕在这些解释周围的讨论，其重中之重在有关资本主义发展的最通俗模式（即所谓“商业化模式”）以及对这一模式的主要挑战。在商业化模式看来，资本主义就是“人性与技术获得长足发展之后不可避免的产物”，它源于人们所从事的各类逐利行为。与此不同，伍德关注的则是“市场相对于人们的强制力量得以形成的各项条件”。第二、第三部分则呈现了作者对历史发展进程的另一种解释路径，而这一解释路径正是建立在第一部分中的讨论，尤其是基于那些与普遍流行的传统观点不同的历史论述基础之上的。本书作为修订扩充版包含了一些全新章节，其中的一些主要观点在第一版中仅仅是点到为止，而在本版中则经过了充分讨论，包括非资本主义的商业活动、资本帝国主义的起源以及资本主义与民族国家之间的关系。

Review
"This comprehensive work...provides a thorough and contemporary examination of the field of comparative politics and various central questions within it...there is more than enough material here (including detailed references) to keep scholars and bring graduate students completely up to date; indeed the analyses are often cutting edge. Lastly, inasmuch as this handbook series aspires to shape the discipline and not just describe it, many chapters in this handbook usefully conclude with a precise outline of the future research agenda as seen by the author."--Politics Studies Review
"Two visionary editors--who see clearly where research in comparative politics is heading--and a star-studded cast of authors who are acknowledged masters of their fields make this Oxford Handbook an accurate compass for those who wish to be brought to the frontiers of comparative research."--David D. Laitin, James T. Watkins IV and Elise V. Watkins Professor of Political Science at Stanford University
Product Description
The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Politics offers a critical survey of the field of empirical political science through the collection of a set of chapters written by 48 top scholars in the discipline of comparative politics. Part I includes chapters surveying the key research methodologies employed in comparative politics (the comparative method; the use of history; the practice and status of case-study research; the contributions of field research) and assessing the possibility of constructing a science of comparative politics. Parts II to IV examine the foundations of political order: the origins of states and the extent to which they relate to war and to economic development; the sources of compliance or political obligation among citizens; democratic transitions, the role of civic culture; authoritarianism; revolutions; civil wars and contentious politics. Parts V and VI explore the mobilization, representation and coordination of political demands. Part V considers why parties emerge, the forms they take and the ways in which voters choose parties. It then includes chapters on collective action, social movements and political participation. Part VI opens up with essays on the mechanisms through which political demands are aggregated and coordinated. This sets the agenda to the systematic exploration of the workings and effects of particular institutions: electoral systems, federalism, legislative-executive relationships, the judiciary and bureaucracy. Finally, Part VII is organized around the burgeoning literature on macropolitical economy of the last two decades.

本书系统地考察20世纪前期土耳其民族主义意识形态的演变，特别是凯末尔时代“土耳其史观”从提出到最终确立的过程，充分关注其内容和发展变化的轨迹。本书历史学的特色颇为突出，是一部细节丰满、启人深思的国别史研究。土耳其从奥斯曼帝国到共和国的革命，是现代史上举世瞩目的大事件，凯末尔主义者需要面对帝国观念、领土、伊斯兰教、民族等多重挑战，建国即是重塑民族的过程。作者昝涛在第一手研究之上，特别是对凯末尔思想和土耳其几位重要思想家的研究，颇为实证地论述了建构民族主义的观点。“土耳其史观”，作为土耳其官方史学影响至今，本书在于运用丰富细腻的论述和引证，说明“史观”的由来、争论和对抗伊斯兰传统的巨大作用，民族主义意识形态的诸多特征由此展开。此书可以说是以土耳其为个案，对民族主义意识形态的一个相当深入的研究。作者大量运用土耳其文文献，并在与国际学界和土耳其学界的论辩和对话中展开，代表了此研究领域的一个阶段性的进步。

It is well known that the Soviet Union strongly influenced China in the early 1950s, since China committed itself both to the Sino-Soviet alliance and to the Soviet model of building socialism. What is less well known is that Chinese proved receptive not only to the Soviet economic model but also to the emulation of the Soviet Union in realms such as those of ideology, education, science, and culture. In this book an international group of scholars examines China's acceptance and ultimate rejection of Soviet models and practices in economic, cultural, social, and other realms. The chapters vividly illustrate the wide-ranging and multi-dimensional nature of Soviet influence, which to this day continues to manifest itself in one critical aspect, namely in China's rejection of liberal political reform.

本书研究的主题就是，为什么政治暴力在极端贫穷的最底层10亿人的社会里如此普遍，以及如何才能遏制它。在最底层10亿人的地区，如非洲的埃塞俄比亚、乌干达、肯尼亚等国，其国家结构性的缺陷导致人民除了依靠国际社会供应必需的公共物品之外，别无他法。然而最底层10亿人的小国政府对主权的激烈捍卫，再加上领导人的软弱和冷漠，彻底限制国际行动实际上能达到的效果。

《中国"小组机制"研究》选取广泛存在于中国各级党政机关中以各种“领导小组”为代表的议事协调机构为研究对象，沿着两条平行的主线对“领导小组”和以其为内核而衍生出来的“小组机制”展开解读和分折。一条线索主要是基于政府过程的分析视角，对中国共产党的“小组机制”的运转过程进行全面剖析；另一条线索主要是基于机构改革的分析视角，对行政系统中议事协调机构的改革问题进行全面分析。《中国"小组机制"研究》作为一项有关“小组机制”和议事协调机构的系统性研究，在纵向上注重历史感，以尽可能为读者还原“领导小组”等议事协调机构发展演变的过程；在横向上注重比较，为读者审视中国的议事协调机构提供参照系；在现实分析中立足于过程研究，注重揭示这一较少为人所关注的机构的运转过程；在对策建议上注重可操作性和长期性，希冀能为决策部门提供有益的参考。