蒙古帝国的兴起构成了全球史的一隅，14世纪中期帝国的衰落同样在历史长河中影响深远。东北亚作为蒙古帝国重要的一部分，理解其发展进程对于我们认识蒙古帝国的性质和14世纪中期新出现的“后帝国”时代大有裨益。全书介绍了东亚大陆上的势力版图，如东部的高丽王朝、中南部的南宋、金、西夏、大理国的联动，特别是蒙古大军如飓风般横扫东亚之后，挥师东进朝鲜半岛的精彩历史。
作者重构了14世纪国际秩序中开京、辽东和大都之间错综复杂的政治关系。书名中的黄昏，寓意着蒙古帝国时代辉煌与夕阳西下的晚景在东亚文明圈中的折射。

当代中国，对于社会福利问题的关心前所未有地高涨，本书在善会、善堂史研究方面，仅仅是根据各种《征信录》、《申报》和文集随笔等史料描述了善会和善堂的轮廓。随着新的档案史料的发掘和利用，将来也许有必要做大幅度的修订。

《天地会的仪式与神话：创造认同》一书，可以说是近二十年来国际学术界关于天地会、中国秘密结社以及民间文化史研究的一部杰出著作。该书采用了近年来国外学术界兴起的另一种秘密社会史研究路径，即文化人类学，本书主要从文化人类学而非政治的角度来解读天地会的仪式、符号和话语，重在阐释这些元素如何建构起天地会作为一种共同体的内部认同。简单来说，田海笔下的天地会，文化建构才是核心。田海精通中文，这大大有利于他仔细爬梳不同地域、不同时间的史料。他细致梳理了民间宗教和迷信文化中的末世/救世论，并概括为“神魔救世范式”，即末世灾劫+神魔救世+法术器物。天地会的种种仪式和神话传说，终跳不出这个框架。这些仪式和神话的意义是为原本缺乏如共同家族、邻里、职业而结成的天地会创造了一种原本并不存在的认同，这种认同既要说明天地会作为一种组织存在的合理性，又要与其成员的知识背景相适应。田海除了给广大读者呈现了一个真实的天地会之外，他还赋予给天地会浓厚的民间宗教色彩，这当是此书一大贡献。
☆编辑推荐
地振高冈，一派溪山千古秀；门朝大海，三合河水万年流！
这句出现在金庸笔下著名的天地会的暗语，给爱好武侠小说的读者留下了深刻印象。以天地会、三合会为内容的影视剧作品更是层出。“天地会”这一组织，并非艺术创作中的虚构，而是真实存在的，是中国存在时间最长的帮派组织，也是中国人既熟悉又陌生的秘密结社组织，亦黑亦白。荷兰著名汉学家田海的这本书，详细阐述了中国历史上一势力颇大的秘密结社——天地会（三合会）的创建过程、入会仪式、会规、行话等，作者对该秘密结社进行了深度剖析，为读者展示了一部不同的、真实的三合会历史。该书不同于读者在艺术作品中认识的天地会，更加神秘的真实的天地会，读者会在这本书中找到全部答案。
☆专家推荐
这部厚重、详尽、独一无二的学术杰作堪称一绝，其范围之广、细节之细，令人印象深刻，对汉学领域的学者来说是不可或缺的。
——〔美〕苏海涵（Michael Saso），《中国国际评论》（2004）
田海的这本书是一部令人叹为观止的学术著作，他以对中国民间宗教文化的深刻理解为基础，为中国秘密社会研究开辟了新方向。如果这个复杂的话题很难说完，那么未来任何有关秘密社团、宗派宗教或民众运动的工作不能忽视这部书。
——〔加〕王大为（David Ownby），《哈佛大学亚洲研究杂志》（2000）
田海这本书的主要贡献是把中国秘密会社描述成宗教组织，相当令人信服。……这本书最大的弱点可能在于试图把林爽文起义后在中国大陆、台湾、香港和其他一些海外华人社区建立的秘密会社归为一个单一的宗教运动，即人们所熟知的三合会。……田海对秘密会社名称的讨论也很有意思，特别是因为他所研究的每一个团体是用天地会或三合会这些实名这一点很不清楚。实际上，继林爽文起义之后，政府对秘密会社打压的力度很大，很少有集团敢公开自称他们是天地会的。
——〔美〕康豹(Paul R. Katz)，台湾“中央研究院”近代史研究所研究员
☆精彩试读
精彩试读：
三合会血盟的基本程式由起誓和诅咒两部分组成，它们要在充当见证者和应验者的天地神灵面前举行。起誓诅咒的同时要饮一杯掺和了禽血和/ 或人血的酒。誓约可以（但不一定要）写成文书，起誓完毕即烧毁。钻过一道刀剑架起的门关是仪式的一部分。
早期的证据来自于1786—1787 年林爽文起义之后的审讯资料，这些资料证实了起义参与者起过“誓”，但明确提到采用了“歃血”这一古老做法的仅见于1786年底在台湾发现的盟书。稍后才发现了一则关于歃血为盟的完整描述，它出自三合会师父陈信的一名徒弟。这名师父早在1787年就开始在台湾活动，但在林爽文叛乱被镇压后一直隐匿起来。在此期间，他教会了谢志如何举行盟誓仪式，并给了谢志一份盟书。
1790 年，谢志及其门徒在户外设立了一座祭桌，并向神灵供奉一只童子鸡。他们钻过了一道刀架门，随后谢志拿出陈信给他的那份旧盟书，所有人都跪伏在祭桌前，谢志对天宣读了如下口头誓约：“一人有难，大家帮助，如若负盟，刀下亡身。”接着谢志在桌前焚化了那份盟书，每人都饮下掺和着子鸡血的酒，仪式随即结束。后来谢志及其大徒弟被审讯时，他们只记得那份盟书的部分内容：
有福同享，有难同当，一人有难，大家帮助。若是不救及走漏消息，全家灭亡，刀下亡身……总要同心协力，若是负盟，刀下亡身。
师父们总是向徒弟许诺好运以换取他们的效忠。他们还教给徒弟传统的三合会暗号—左手伸三指朝天。“同心”一词让我们想起前一章中提到的一些血盟仪式中的“同心酒”。陈信的盟誓与当时保留下来的另一份盟书之间有些差别，这表明陈信在台湾时与卷入林爽文起义的网络并不相干。
血代表着生命的力量，因而在起誓之前饮血，便使誓约具有最强大的可能效力。一起饮酒则在参与者之间营造了一种纽带，这种纽带相当贴切地表现在三合会内部的一种说法上，即把酒说成“家和兴”。大多数三合会会众的供词都具体提到了血和酒的使用，只有很少一些案例提到不用血和酒就起誓，而提到只传授会内知识但不需发誓的案例则更少。考虑到三合会团体普遍采用歃血为盟这一事实，上述这些偶尔的例外肯定是由个别师父的怪癖所致，甚至有可能是由于我们手头资料的疏漏造成的。我们只在江西—闽北地区三合会最初几十年的历史上发现了不采用血盟就传授三合会最起码知识的事例。但是，即使在这些地区，也不可能不经起誓即传授更详细的会内知识。
如同清代一般的起誓一样，三合会盟誓时只用（通常是白色的）童子鸡的血，从来不用其他动物的血。童子鸡很便宜就能买到，而且它也被普遍看作是一种生命的象征。砍去子鸡的头，然后将鸡血滴入酒中。有时，每位参加者都要割破自己的一根手指（具体而言一般为左手手指），将血滴入酒中，然后饮他们自己的鲜血。另外一些情况下，童子鸡的血与誓盟者左手手指的血一起混在酒中。不管是子鸡血、人的手指血，还是两种血混用，它们都是滴入酒中饮下的。
前述供状中提到的将手指血与子鸡血一起滴入酒中饮下盟誓的例子不多。但颇为重要的是，这些案例中除两例以外，都提到了实质性的三合会知识的传授。最早的一份供词出现于1806 年，随后是1807 年（传授了少量的会内知识）、1815 年、1819 年、1821 年（传授了少量的会内知识）、1831年、1833 年和1835年的一些案子。此外，19 世纪40年代以后，会簿中描述的程序也包含有将手指血与子鸡血一起掺入酒中的内容。仪式的扩展与会内知识传授的增加之间存在着联系，这表明，人血与鸡血混合在一起，是为了强化盟约的力量及对参加者的后续效力。

In this path-breaking book, Tong Lam examines the emergence of the “culture of fact” in modern China, showing how elites and intellectuals sought to transform the dynastic empire into a nation-state, thereby ensuring its survival. Lam argues that an epistemological break away from traditional modes of understanding the observable world began around the turn of the twentieth century. Tracing the Neo-Confucian school of evidentiary research and the modern departure from it, Lam shows how, through the rise of the social survey, “the fact” became a basic conceptual medium and source of truth. In focusing on China’s social survey movement, A Passion for Facts analyzes how information generated by a range of research practices—census, sociological investigation, and ethnography—was mobilized by competing political factions to imagine, manage, and remake the nation.

《海屯行纪》是13世纪小亚美尼亚国王海屯出使蒙古的“行纪”；《鄂多立克东游录》是13世纪来华的意大利僧侣鄂多立克口述的“游记”；《沙哈鲁遣史中国记》的作者盖耶速丁是明永乐年间波斯国王的旅途见闻。该书涉及范围广泛，对研究中外交通史、中亚史、蒙元史、明史、历史地理等都有一定的参考价值，与中国的历史文献也可相互参照。

《日本汉学史(套装共5册)》分为《日本汉学史第1部·起源和确立(1868-1918)》、《日本汉学史第2部·成熟和迷途(1919-1945)》、《日本汉学史第3部·转折和发展(1945-1971)》、《日本汉学史第4部·新的繁盛(1972-1988)》、《日本汉学史第5部·变迁和展望(1989-)》共5册。
《日本汉学史(套装共5册)》内容简介：李庆教授所撰《日本汉学史》的第一至第三卷前些年曾由上海外语教学出版社陆续出版，并获得了国内外学术界的广泛好评。现在，该书全帙五卷即将由上海人民出版社一次推出，这对中国的文史研究者实在是一项福音。因为，至迟从20世纪初期开始，中国的文史研究就受到日本汉学研究的日益深刻的影响。直至抗日战争开始，从表面上看起来这种影响已几乎消歇，但实际上仍在不同程度上保留着。到改革开放以后，这种影响又大为增长。所以，要真正明白中国文史研究的来龙去脉，就非对日本的汉学研究有所了解不可；当然，在今后的研究中为了进一步提高中国文史研究的质量，也得吸收国外的同类研究的成果，而日本的汉学研究正是其中的重要一环。可惜的是，日本国内迄今为止尚无日本汉学史一类的著作。所以，李庆教授的这部大著在当前——也许还包括以后的一段较长时期——都是我们在这方面的唯一一部翔实的书籍。而且，他在日本任教二十余年，《日本汉学史》是长时期研究的积累，具有相当强的可信性，绝无疏漏之失和无根之言。
日本汉学在当时之产生上述重大影响，首先是由于从乾隆皇帝开始，清朝统治者的唯“天朝”独尊的思想就已浃肌沦髓，对外部世界的发展不屑一顾，一味致力于对内的钳制，而对中国的程朱理学等传统则尊奉得无以复加，直到鸦片战争失败，才有思想较为开明的土大夫提出了“师夷之长技以制夷”的思想，但其所谓“夷之长技”不过是船坚炮利之类，根本没有考虑到需要学习西方先进的人文研究成果和政治制度。

本书系著名汉学家裴宜理教授在密歇根大学攻读政治学博士学位的毕业论文的基础上修改而成，1980年由斯坦福大学出版社出版。该书着眼于19世纪中期至20世纪中期淮北地区的农民反抗运动，以这一地区既孤立又有联系的三大事件——捻军、红枪会和共产主义革命为研究对象。全书共分七章，作者运用环境学、生态学等方法，阐释淮北的地理环境；从社会结构、社会心态及人类学等视角入手，对淮北农民的生存策略展开分析；并对捻党、红枪会进行了细致探讨。作者试图理解农民革命，即农民为什么造反与如何造反这个问题。作者创见性地揭示了地方环境在引发和形成农村动乱的重要性，并进而得出结论，中国农村叛乱的历史事实极大地鼓舞了共产主义革命者发动农民的决心。这些观点的提出对于我们理解近代中国的国家与社会、地主与农民、革命与叛乱等关系提供了具有开创新意义的视角。

《房山云居寺研究》日文本出版于一九三五年三月，是东方文化学院京都研究所的塚本善隆等六位学者基于一九三四年前往北京房山云居寺进行的实地考察而撰述的，书中配有近百幅照片、插图和拓片，读者由此能够目睹房山云居寺与石经山的历史旧貌，为考证云居寺与石经山原有建筑布局和单体建筑形式提供了有力依据，具有极其重要的学术价值。

作者雷德侯是海德堡大学东亚艺术史系教授，西方汉学界研究中国艺术的最有影响力的汉学家之一。本书一经面世即引起西方汉学界及学术界的广泛关注，书中的观点被广泛引述。
作者从多个方面，既依照历史的线索，技术发展的过程，也按照、艺术的门类，材质工艺的区别，深入到中国文化 与审美观念的层次，分析了中国艺术与工艺，揭示出中国艺术史中最为独特、最为深厚的层面。作者说明了中国的艺术家不似他们的西方同行，他们不寻求忠实地再现自然物象，而是探索代替模仿的方式，直接地创造出成千上万甚至无限的艺术品。他也为读者指出，模件的思想如何贯通了中国人官本位的文化，中国宗教以及关于个人自由的思想。

本书是作者的经典之作，在写作时，作者并没有拘守注重文献考据、归纳索隐的朴学的旧路，他非常重视现代社会科学的理论和方法，以之开拓出研究工作的新局面。唯物史观在这里不是外加的标签或先验的教条，而是有机地表现在对于具体历史现象的剖析和说明之中。这就保证了本书的浓厚理论色彩，而理论思想的深邃正是本书论述深刻的重要原因。

本书重点探讨了“爱情”作为一个词汇、一种观念在近现代中国的言说历史。作者主要通过晚明至当代的一些重要文学作品，勾勒了爱情在中国文学叙述中的历史。作者还把爱情放在情感这一更大的背景之下进行考察，提炼出儒家的、启蒙的、革命的三种感觉结构，用以深度描述中国人情感的复杂结构 和互动演变，呈现了近现代中国人如何利用爱情以及情感的话语构建身份、道德、性别、权力、群体乃至国族与世界。本书以其新颖的主题、卓越的分析获得了2009年美国亚洲研究学会的列文森奖。

In 1968, the director of USAID coined the term “green revolution” to celebrate the new technological solutions that promised to ease hunger around the world—and forestall the spread of more “red,” or socialist, revolutions. Yet in China, where modernization and scientific progress could not be divorced from politics, green and red revolutions proceeded side by side.
In Red Revolution, Green Revolution, Sigrid Schmalzer explores the intersection of politics and agriculture in socialist China through the diverse experiences of scientists, peasants, state agents, and “educated youth.” The environmental costs of chemical-intensive agriculture and the human costs of emphasizing increasing production over equitable distribution of food and labor have been felt as strongly in China as anywhere—and yet, as Schmalzer shows, Mao-era challenges to technocracy laid important groundwork for today’s sustainability and food justice movements. This history of “scientific farming” in China offers us a unique opportunity not only to explore the consequences of modern agricultural technologies but also to engage in a necessary rethinking of fundamental assumptions about science and society.
“Sigrid Schmalzer creates an entirely new vision of the meaning and significance of “scientific farming” in China during the Mao era.….[A] must-read not only for modern China scholars but also for those who are interested in the history of science as political and social process, and in ongoing efforts to shed light on the possibilities of putting science to work in the service of greater equality and dignity for the world’s rural poor.”
(American Historical Review)
"At its core, this book is about socialist China's uses of science and technology to improve food production and the sociopolitical changes over time that have affected those involved in modern farming and agriculture. Cautioning that the Mao era was not one of unmitigated totalitarian oppression and ecological disaster, historian Schmalzer examines the complex relations of science and politics, raising such issues as who should be regarded as “scientists,” and how agriculture should be organized to maximize its benefits for all. Particularly interesting is the author’s investigation of the “rural scientific experiment movement." By comparing the fortunes of the “green revolution” in India and Africa, Schmalzer offers some unexpected political and social insights, contrasting US interests with those of the Chinese, who have also sought to bring their methods of agriculture and farming to third-world countries where politics is a highly visible concern on both sides of the capitalist-communist divide. Instructive and rewarding reading in recent Chinese history as well as the social politics of agriculture and farming in China and throughout the third world."
(Choice)
"Right on cue, this new work reveals the multifaceted and complex nature of science in the PRC. Red Revolution, Green Revolution looks at agricultural science and the unique and distinctive trajectory of the Chinese green revolution....demonstrates the manifold ways science filtered into the countryside and became the basis of the party’s interactions with the rural populace."
(Cross-Currents)
“Schmalzer’s reconstruction of the lived experiences of those who participated in the mass scientific experiment movement in China serves as a corrective to accounts of science in the years of the Cultural Revolution that emphasize failure, hardship, and suffering…[R]eading Red Revolution, Green Revolution productively upends one’s ideas about the nature of an agricultural experiment.”
(Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences)
“Upending familiar assumptions about the origins and consequences of the global Green Revolution, Schmalzer breaks important new ground in our understanding of modern Chinese history and the role of science in industrial agriculture. Rather than relying on misleading distinctions between modern and traditional, laboratory and field, politics and science, or even between the capitalist West and socialist East, Schmalzer convincingly draws our attention to the diversity of approaches taken in the effort to revolutionize Chinese agriculture in the 1960s and 1970s. This is a sophisticated political history from the ground up.”
(Shane Hamilton, University of Georgia)
“Writing with both elegance and precision, Schmalzer unveils the continuing imbrication of science and politics, not simply in the obviously hyperpolitical Maoist period, but also in the supposedly technologically driven Dengist era. She produces a nuanced, sophisticated description of agricultural scientific practices in the People’s Republic of China, one that challenges our assumptions about both Maoist agriculture and the Maoist period in general. Red Revolution, Green Revolution is a must-read for historians of modern China and historians of socialism, as well as historians of science and agriculture.”
(Fabio Lanza, University of Arizona)
"Agricultural science is inherently political. We may distrust the claim of technocrats and agribusiness that they conduct neutral research for the benefit of all, yet few of us would go so far as to advocate a full politicization of research, putting politics in command of laboratories and experimental fields. This, however, is what Maoist China did—and as Schmalzer demonstrates in her meticulously researched and beautifully written book, Maoist agricultural science worked, producing a socialist Green Revolution that was as impressive as the US-led Green Revolutions in India, Mexico, or the Philippines. Without romanticizing Maoist mass science, Schmalzer not only corrects the oft-repeated myth that Maoists were 'anti-science'; she shows that a different, more democratic and inclusive science was and remains possible."
(Jacob Eyferth, University of Chicago)

This book outlines and analyzes the economic development of China between 1949 and 2007. Rather than being narrowly economic, the book addresses many of the broader aspects of development, including literacy, morality, demographics and the environment. The distinctive features of this book are its sweep and that it does not shy away from controversial issues. For example, there is no question that aspects of Maoism were disastrous but Bramall argues that there was another side to the whole programme.More recently, the current system of government has presided over three decades of very rapid economic growth. However, the author shows that this growth has come at a price. Bramall makes it clear that unless radical change takes place, Chinese growth will not be sustainable. This large, comprehensive text is relevant to all those studying the economic history of China as well as its contemporary economy. It is also useful more generally for students and researchers in the fields of international and development economics.

This book presents a great deal of new primary research on a wide range of aspects of early modern East Asia. Focusing primarily on maritime connections, the book explores the importance of international trade networks, the implications of technological dissemination, and the often unforeseen consequences of missionary efforts. It demonstrates the benefi ts of a global history approach, outlining the complex interactions between Western traders and Asian states and entrepreneurs. Overall, the book presents much interesting new material on this complicated and understudied period.

Prior to the nineteenth century, the West occupied an anomalous space in the Chinese imagination, populated by untamable barbarians and unearthly immortals. First-hand accounts and correspondence from Qing envoys and diplomats to Europe unraveled that perception. In this path-breaking study, Jenny Huangfu Day interweaves the history of Qing legation-building with the personal stories of China's first official travelers, envoys and diplomats to Europe. She explores how diplomat-travelers navigated the conceptual and physical space of a land virtually unmapped in the Chinese intellectual tradition and created a new information order. This study reveals the fluidity, heterogeneity, and ambivalence of their experience, and the layers of tension between thinking, writing, and publishing about the West. By integrating diplomatic and intellectual history with literary analysis and communication studies, Day offers a fundamentally new interpretation of the Qing's engagement with the West.

A widespread conviction in the need to rescue China’s children took hold in the early twentieth century. Amid political upheaval and natural disasters, neglected or abandoned children became a humanitarian focal point for Sino-Western cooperation and, ultimately, intervention in family life. Chinese academics and officials sought new scientific measures, educational institutions, and social reforms to improve children’s welfare. Successive regimes encouraged teachers to shape children into Qing subjects, Nationalist citizens, or Communist comrades.
In Raising China’s Revolutionaries, Margaret Mih Tillman offers a novel perspective on the political and scientific dimensions of experiments with early childhood education from the early Republican period through the first decade of the People’s Republic. She traces transnational advocacy for child welfare and education, examining Christian missionaries, philanthropists, and the role of international relief during World War II. Tillman provides in-depth analysis of similarities and differences between Nationalist and Communist policy and cultural notions of childhood. While both drew on preschool institutions to mobilize the workforce and shape children’s political subjectivity, the PRC rejected the Nationalists’ commitment to the modern, bourgeois family. With new insights into the roles of experts, the cultural politics of fundraising, and child welfare as a form of international exchange, Raising China’s Revolutionaries is an important work of institutional and transnational history that illuminates the evolution of modern concepts of childhood in China.

Body, Society, and Nation tells the story of China’s unfolding modernity by exploring the changing ideas, practices, and systems related to health and body in late nineteenth- and twentieth-century Shanghai. The pursuit of good health loomed large in Chinese political, social, and economic life. Yet, “good health” had a range of associations beyond individual well-being. It was also an integral part of Chinese nation-building, a goal of charitable activities, a notable outcome of Western medical science, a marker of modern civilization, and a commercial catchphrase. With the advent of Western powers, Chinese notions about personal hygiene and the body gradually expanded. This transformation was complicated by indigenous medical ideas, preexisting institutions and social groups, and local cultures and customs.
This study explores the many ways that members of the various strata of Shanghai society experienced and understood multiple meanings of health and body within their everyday lives. Chieko Nakajima traces the institutions they established, the regulations they implemented, and the practices they brought to the city as part of efforts to promote health. In doing so, she explains how local practices and customs fashioned and constrained public health and, in turn, how hygienic modernity helped shape and develop local cultures and influenced people’s behavior.

Rapid industrialization, urbanization, and marketization have led to startling social changes in reform-era China. Mindful of the many forms of social theory that relate modernity to individualism, this volume addresses social and cultural change through the lens of psychological anthropology. The contributors explore Chinese modernity through the psychosocial contradictions experienced by artists, dancers, and poets; by mothers and daughters; by school children and migrant workers; the mentally ill, and others. As a whole, the book provides a disturbing but hopeful portrait of Chinese society, an opportunity to rethink the significance of the concept of modernity, and a vivid reminder of the enmeshment of individual psyches in their wider social and cultural environments.