Manic behavior holds an undeniable fascination in American culture today. It fuels the plots of best-selling novels and the imagery of MTV videos, is acknowledged as the driving force for successful entrepreneurs like Ted Turner, and is celebrated as the source of the creativity of artists like Vincent Van Gogh and movie stars like Robin Williams. Bipolar Expeditions seeks to understand mania's appeal and how it weighs on the lives of Americans diagnosed with manic depression.
Anthropologist Emily Martin guides us into the fascinating and sometimes disturbing worlds of mental-health support groups, mood charts, psychiatric rounds, the pharmaceutical industry, and psychotropic drugs. Charting how these worlds intersect with the wider popular culture, she reveals how people living under the description of bipolar disorder are often denied the status of being fully human, even while contemporary America exhibits a powerful affinity for manic behavior. Mania, Martin shows, has come to be regarded as a distant frontier that invites exploration because it seems to offer fame and profits to pioneers, while depression is imagined as something that should be eliminated altogether with the help of drugs.
Bipolar Expeditions argues that mania and depression have a cultural life outside the confines of diagnosis, that the experiences of people living with bipolar disorder belong fully to the human condition, and that even the most so-called rational everyday practices are intertwined with irrational ones. Martin's own experience with bipolar disorder informs her analysis and lends a personal perspective to this complex story.

In this moving and thought-provoking volume, Arthur Kleinman tells the unsettling stories of a handful of men and women, some of whom have lived through some of the most fundamental transitions of the turbulent twentieth century.
Here we meet an American veteran of World War II, tortured by the memory of the atrocities he committed while a soldier in the Pacific. A French-American woman aiding refugees in sub-Saharan Africa, facing the utter chaos of a society where life has become meaningless. A Chinese doctor trying to stay alive during Mao's cultural revolution, discovering that the only values that matter are those that get you beyond the next threat. These individuals found themselves caught in circumstances where those things that matter most to them--their desires, status, relationships, resources, political and religious commitments, life itself--have been challenged by the society around them. Each is caught up in existential moral experiences that define what it means to be human, with an intensity that makes their life narratives arresting.
These stories reveal just how malleable moral life is, and just how central danger is to our worlds and our livelihood. Indeed, Kleinman offers in this book a groundbreaking approach to ethics, examining "who we are" through some of the most disturbing issues of our time--war, globalization, poverty, social injustice--all in the context of actual lived moral life.

《金翼》1944年英文原始版，社会学经典著作最新译本首次出版，一部堪比《白鹿原》的雄奇家族史诗！
本书是著名社会学家林耀华先生用小说体写作的社会人类学学术专著，通过小说中张、黄两家在社会生活与经济变迁中的兴衰沉浮，刻画出了中国南方乡村生活的全景。面对生活中的机遇与挑战，张、黄两家的不同选择，演变出截然不同的家族命运与个人际遇。作者娓娓道来，在叙述张、黄两家生活场景的同时，对地方社会的信仰、习俗等进行了细致入微的描写，对个人在人际关系中的调适与制衡进行了分析与评述，为读者更好的解析人物故事内涵、解读中国传统社会的运行机制与内在逻辑，提供了社会学领域的最佳读本。
本书为《金翼》1944年英文原始版首次翻译出版。

这部神话研究的目的既不在阐释个别的神话故事，也不在探索某一族群之神话体系与文化背景的关系，而是要寻找不同神话之间的逻辑规律。
作者以一则博罗罗印第安人的神话为起点，记录下这则神话的整个内容，并描述它的民族志背景，之后转向了对神话内在结构的检视，最后把采自南北美洲各地的八百多则神话纳入一个复杂的结构变换体系中：在每一则神话之内，他断定了各个节段之间所具有的变换关系；在不同神话之间，他则找出了它们在结构上的种种对应关系。

Numerous reports of “cancer villages” have appeared in the past decade in both Chinese and Western media, highlighting the downside of China’s economic development. Less generally known is how people experience and understand cancer in areas where there is no agreement on its cause. Who or what do they blame? How do they cope with its onset? Fighting for Breath is the first ethnography to offer a bottom-up account of how rural families strive to make sense of cancer and care for sufferers. It addresses crucial areas of concern such as health, development, morality, and social change in an effort to understand what is at stake in the contemporary Chinese countryside.
Encounters with cancer are instances in which social and moral fault lines may become visible. Anna Lora-Wainwright combines powerful narratives and critical engagement with an array of scholarly debates in sociocultural and medical anthropology and in the anthropology of China. The result is a moving exploration of the social inequities endemic to post-1949 China and the enduring rural-urban divide that continues to challenge social justice in the People’s Republic. In-depth case studies present villagers’ “fight for breath” as both a physical and social struggle to reclaim a moral life, ensure family and neighborly support, and critique the state for its uneven welfare provision. Lora-Wainwright depicts their suffering as lived experience, but also as embedded in domestic economies and in the commodification of care that has placed the burden on families and individuals.
Fighting for Breath will be of interest to students, teachers, and researchers in Chinese studies, sociocultural and medical anthropology, human geography, development studies, and the social study of medicine.
12 illus.
http://www.uhpress.hawaii.edu/p-8979-9780824836825.aspx

Deep China investigates the emotional and moral lives of the Chinese people as they adjust to the challenges of modernity. Sharing a medical anthropology and cultural psychiatry perspective, Arthur Kleinman, Yunxiang Yan, Jing Jun, Sing Lee, Everett Zhang, Pan Tianshu, Wu Fei, and Guo Jinhua delve into intimate and sometimes hidden areas of personal life and social practice to observe and narrate the drama of Chinese individualization. The essays explore the remaking of the moral person during China’s profound social and economic transformation, unraveling the shifting practices and struggles of contemporary life.

Despite massive changes to its economic policies, China continues to define itself as socialist; since 1949 and into the present, the Maoist slogan "Serve the People" has been a central point of moral and political orientation. Yet several decades of market-based reforms have resulted in high urban unemployment, transforming the proletariat vanguard into a new urban poor. How do unemployed workers come to terms with their split status, economically marginalized but still rhetorically central to the way China claims to understand itself? How does a state dedicated to serving "the people" manage the poverty of its citizens? Mun Young Cho addresses these questions in a book based on more than two years of fieldwork in a decaying residential area of Harbin in the northeast province of Heilongjiang.
Cho analyzes the different experiences of poverty among laid-off urban workers and recent rural-to-urban migrants, two groups that share a common economic duress in China's Rustbelt cities but who rarely unite as one class owed protection by the state. Impoverished workers, she shows, seek protection and recognition by making claims about “the people” and what they deserve. They redeploy the very language that the party-state had once used to venerate them, although their claim often contradicts government directives regarding how “the people” should be reborn as self-managing subjects. The slogan “serve the people” is no longer a promise of the party-state but rather a demand made by the unemployed and the poor.

China's one-child rule is unassailably one of the most controversial social policies of all time. In the first book of its kind, Susan Greenhalgh draws on twenty years of research into China's population politics to explain how the leaders of a nation of one billion decided to limit all couples to one child. Focusing on the historic period 1978-80, when China was just reentering the global capitalist system after decades of self-imposed isolation, Greenhalgh documents the extraordinary manner in which a handful of leading aerospace engineers hijacked the population policymaking process and formulated a strategy that treated people like missiles. Just One Child situates these science- and policymaking practices in their broader contexts--the scientization and statisticalization of sociopolitical life--and provides the most detailed and incisive account yet of the origins of the one-child policy.

Placing meanings of health and disease at the center of modern Chinese consciousness, Ruth Rogaski reveals how hygiene became a crucial element in the formulation of Chinese modernity in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Rogaski focuses on multiple manifestations across time of a single Chinese concept, weisheng—which has been rendered into English as "hygiene," "sanitary," "health," or "public health"—as it emerged in the complex treaty-port environment of Tianjin. Before the late nineteenth century, weisheng was associated with diverse regimens of diet, meditation, and self-medication. Hygienic Modernity reveals how meanings of weisheng, with the arrival of violent imperialism, shifted from Chinese cosmology to encompass such ideas as national sovereignty, laboratory knowledge, the cleanliness of bodies, and the fitness of races: categories in which the Chinese were often deemed lacking by foreign observers and Chinese elites alike.

This classic text, originally published in 1991 and now revised and updated to include a new preface, draws upon fieldwork and interviews to explore the ways gay men and lesbians are constructing their own notions of kinship by drawing on the symbolism of love, friendship, and biology.

This powerful study immerses the reader in the world of homelessness and drug addiction in the contemporary United States. For over a decade Philippe Bourgois and Jeff Schonberg followed a social network of two dozen heroin injectors and crack smokers on the streets of San Francisco, accompanying them as they scrambled to generate income through burglary, panhandling, recycling, and day labor. "Righteous Dopefiend" interweaves stunning black-and-white photographs with vivid dialogue, detailed field notes, and critical theoretical analysis.Its gripping narrative develops a cast of characters around the themes of violence, race relations, sexuality, family trauma, embodied suffering, social inequality, and power relations. The result is a dispassionate chronicle of survival, loss, caring, and hope rooted in the addicts' determination to hang on for one more day and one more 'fix' through a 'moral economy of sharing' that precariously balances mutual solidarity and interpersonal betrayal.

编辑推荐：本书收入的五篇学术论文，表达了作者基于三个村落的实地考察素材而展开的理论思考，分别探讨了民族—国家与传统家庭社会组织之间关系、现代化过程中民间传统的地位，现代福利制度比较视野中的地方性互助制度，民间生活观念与现代幸福观的可比性，现代权威制度建设历程中民间权威的延续等问题。尽管这些论文探讨的主题和角度各有不同，但它们始终贯穿着通过理解民间文化来反思现代性的努力。力图把学术的视野延伸到民间去

Louisa Schein’s study of cultural production in post-Mao China begins and ends with the Miao, one of China's 56 officially designated minority nationalities. As she points out in her introduction, however, “this book is about China as much as it is about the Miao” (p. 2). Indeed, this book is very much about the complementary and indispensable relation that each bears to the other.
Schein's focus is on cultural production, and much of the text consists of a close examination of representation practices through which “Miao” has emerged as a historical and ethnic identity. The Miao live scattered across seven provinces in southwestern China and four southeast Asian nations, speak dozens of mutually unintelligible dialects and refer to themselves with a variety of names, although “Miao” is not among them. Nevertheless, Miao, originally a derogative imposed by outsiders, has become an official standard and an accepted self-description.
Schein begins by sketching the continuous but unequal relationship between Miao and Han from the late imperial period through the 1990s. Over this period, the Miao have been brought under increasingly tight political, economic, and cultural control by the Chinese state. This trajectory of political and cultural power is reflected in a series of discourses and practices through which the Miao have been constructed as Other. In the 19th century, the Miao were depicted as exotic, dangerous, and promiscuous in popular picture albums. During the Republican period, the Miao were pressured to assimilate, often enduring humiliation and physical coercion. After 1949, a sincere effort to account for ethnic diversity within the new nation-state was first interrupted by the Great Leap Forward and then effectively negated by the conformist pressures of the Cultural Revolution. In the post-Mao era, as markets have overtaken mass movements and top-down policy declarations, new opportunities as well as challenges to Miao cultural agency have emerged.
After the founding of the People's Republic in 1949, China's new leaders sought to realize the state as “a social order of national multiethnicity” (p. 73). Transforming newly fixed ethnic categories into functioning social and political units relied, in part, on the work of young minority men and women who were recruited into training schools called “Nationalities Institutes.” Some were groomed as political cadres and sent back to their communities; those with appropriate talents were trained as artists and performers. Schein's poignant profiles of aging members of this cohort provide valuable insight into the personal and collective struggle entailed in interpreting and accommodating unpredictable shifts in state policy and economic conditions. Once in great demand for their value in promulgating the message of ethnic unity and socialist development, these now-faded stars were highly skilled and well-trained performers. As state-sponsored cultural professionals, they developed highly stylized, sanitized repertoires that combined such elements of traditional Miao culture as courtship songs and shamanic dances with the techniques and aesthetics of ballet and other Western art forms.
With the advent of the post-Mao economic reforms, however, these stylized representations were rejected as artificial and inauthentic by both Chinese consumers and global markets. Although the most successful performers still enjoyed the prestige and privilege of an elite status in their adopted urban milieu, most found themselves eclipsed by rough-hewn rural troupes who were better able to satisfy the fantasies of urban Chinese consumers and foreign tourists.
The marketization of ethnic images entailed the emergence of new forms of exploitation as well as new opportunities for cultural agency. Schein's descriptions make it clear that neither trend dominates the current process. For instance, the commodification of authentic, ethnic, female Miao bodies certainly serves to reify ethnic and gender relationships, reproducing the asymmetries of power among Han and Miao, male and female. Many Miao women are distressed by the indignity of being subject to the yearning, idealizing, and sometimes sexualizing gaze of the consumer. Yet in the interactions between some Miao women and male Han tourists, officials, and other expectant consumers of exotic, Miao femininity, Schein discerns creative attempts to reclaim individual and collective agency. In one of the most insightful passages in the book, she describes how some young Miao women respond to these potentially exploitative situations. When recruited by Han photographers to appear in traditional festival garb, some opt out entirely, whereas others have become habituated to the point that they are able to manipulate the procedure and dictate the terms of remuneration (p. 211). In one case, young women made their own arrangement to sing privately for an amateur Han folklorist, defying (and ultimately drawing a reprimand from) their elders. Here, Schein shows that Miao women have been able to subvert both the expectations of their own communities and the “urban gaze” of Han tourists. By taking control of the commodification process, their actions transcend mere resistance to domination.
In Minority Rules, Louisa Schein skillfully combines theoretical debate with detailed and engaging description in a work that is as intellectually insightful as it is ethnographically informative. As a study of the Miao and of the dialectics of gender, power, and representation in the post-Mao era, Schein's book is an important addition to the ethnography of the minority peoples of southwestern China and should interest all anthropologists of contemporary China. Yet this work ultimately deserves a broader audience; this is a significant contribution to the theory of cultural production.

我推崇“人生史”这个概念。“人生史”指的是一种不怎么像社会科学的方法，它不同于“量化研究，虽则相比更接近“质性研究”，却与之差异也大。这个意义上的“人生史，与古代中国的“人物志”是有相通之处的。
对整体的人生的关注，不同于现代社会对于个体的关注。现代社会之所以“照顾’个体，是因为要文明地在关怀个体中消灭个体，促成结构对个人的“全权监控”。在这个社会学的视野中，“人生史”若有意义，便是在于它对于“生命政治”的揭露。“人生史”研究者关注个体，不以认识“全权监控。为最高宗旨，不轻言“生命政治”，而是以更好地把握“生命的意义”为目的。

简介
“舍生取义”，常常被用来赞美自杀的忠臣义士，但这决不意味着，只有“舍生”才能“取义”。毕竟，需要舍生的场合很少，但“义”却是每个人在生活日用、揖让进退之间都该看重的。作者通过对华北某县自杀现象的田野研究，在现实语境中重新思考中国文化中“生命”和“正义”的问题，从家之礼、人之义、国之法几个层次理解现代中国人的幸福与尊严。书中的基本主张可概括为“缘情制礼，因礼成义，以理成人，以法立国”。
前言与鸣谢
在我们家乡的方言中，“过日子”被称为“过晌”。我大概5岁的时候，跟着我姥姥到她的娘家村去服侍她的母亲。当时我姥姥刚过70，我的太姥姥96岁。我总是听姥姥说“过晌”、“过晌”的，就禁不住问，到底什么是“过晌”呢？面对这样幼稚的问题，大人们自然会哄堂大笑，却也难以给出一个让我满意的答案。我的困惑自然不会打消，不过时间久了，这个词听得多了，好像就忘了我的疑问。直到开始这项研究的时候，我忽然又想起了当年的那个问题，这个时候，我的姥姥也和当年的太姥姥一样年纪了。
在日常生活中，总是有一些司空见惯的词汇和说法，我们从来不去思考它背后的意义，因而也不会觉得有什么探讨的价值。但我们一旦认真对待这些词，就会发现，恰恰是这些看上去最平常的词，才有着巨大的力量。“过日子”和“做人”都是这样的词。我在2002年要下田野的时候，姥姥身体还非常好，没有什么病，知道我要到农村去作研究，就会和我讲起老家很多很多的事，使我恍惚间回到了二十多年前。到了农村里，我母亲不断帮我克服一个一个的困难，帮我理解一个一个自杀背后的理由，我也在不断品味着姥姥给我讲的那些事情和道理，“过日子”这个词就在我脑子里逐渐清晰了起来。我最终决定把它当作理解自杀问题的最重要的概念工具，因为它使我能最好地理解这些普通人的生与死。
因此，面对那么多自杀者的悲惨故事，我一直在以我姥姥的人生当作参照系；甚至在理解西方思想中的人生理论时，姥姥的一生都成为我最根本的思想源泉。但没想到，在我回国半年后，姥姥病倒在了床上；就在我的书写到最后关头的时候，她未能等到看一眼，在自己99岁生日前几天，就驾鹤西去了；而且，最为遗憾的是，我女儿的出生竟然与此凑到了一起，使我无法抽身赶回，只能在妇产医院旁边的十字路口烧一点纸钱。
在研究和写作当中，我以前一直觉得很平凡的姥姥，却显得那么伟大起来。姥姥于1908年出生在一个读书人家，经历了两度江山易主，以及日本侵华、大饥荒、文化大革命这些灾难。二十世纪六十年代，丈夫和公公相继辞世时，她五十多岁，带着五个未成年的女儿，我母亲是老四。我的太姥爷，也就是她的公公，走前的最后一句话是，一定要让几个女孩子读书。当时正是六十年代初，生活状况很不好，但她牢牢记住了这句话，变卖家产，甚至卖掉了祖上传下的珍宝，宁愿让邻里讥嘲她不过日子，也要使自己的五个女儿都读书成才。
姥姥一生虽遭际坎坷，而言谈举止未尝逾礼，乐观豁达，宠辱不惊，侍奉翁姑尽心尽力，教育后辈有张有弛，在远近乡里更是扶危济困，善名远播。最终求仁得仁，福寿百年。一个世纪的沧桑变幻，在她和她的家庭面前都变得苍白无力，烟消云散。中国人过日子的方式究竟有怎样的力量，在这位普通农妇的身上表现得淋漓尽致。
在我姥姥生病的这一年多里，我母亲就慢慢写下了姥姥的一生。我之所以要把她写的一些内容附在本书的最后，不仅是为了纪念老人家，更重要的是，希望能从正面，而不仅仅是自杀者这样的反面，来窥见现代中国人过日子的智慧和境界。之所以说是现代，是因为，虽然姥姥在我们看来还是太传统了，但她面对的问题完全是现代中国的问题；我们要解决自己的问题，一定可以从她那里学到很多。
正是因为姥姥对我的思考的重要意义，我违反了一般鸣谢的惯例，把自己家的人放在了最前面而不是最后，希望读者能够谅解。人到中年，在经历了一些事情，读了一些书之后，才会慢慢体会到中国思想的深厚，才知道日常生活是一部最值得读的书。希望此书在终结了我对自杀研究的同时，开启对“过日子”的更多思考。
当然，如果没有这些年读书的经验，特别是西学的思考，那些日常生活的力量还是很难显露出来的。在我的过日子和做人的过程中，诸多师友的提携与警醒都是必不可少的。正如本书中一再表明的，除了亲人之外，我们还需要师友和国家，才能为自己建构一个立体的人生格局，才能为过日子添加更多的味道。因此，我必须把崇高的敬意献给我的老师：慷慨豪爽的凯博文（Arthur Kleinman）教授和她的夫人凯博艺（Joan Kleinman）、温文尔雅的曼斯费尔德（Harvey Mansfield）教授、随和宽厚的屈佑天（James Watson）教授和他的夫人体贴的华屈若碧（Rubie Watson）教授、博学的卡顿（Steve Caton）教授、和蔼的古德（Byron Good）教授，使我在康桥的日子充满了各种色彩；而杜维明教授不仅直接为我提供了经济支持，也让我深深理解了中华文明在世界上的地位和困难。国内的王守常教授、刘小枫教授、甘阳教授、王铭铭教授、杨念群教授、萧国亮教授、景军教授则使我的一切思考都无法和中国问题割舍开来。
若是一一列举给过我帮助的朋师友，势必成为一个极为冗长的名单。但我还是要提到，李猛一如既往地和我一同深入对每个问题的思考，如果没有他，这本书的完成是不可能的，应星、王利平、徐晓宏则曾经和我同下田野，与我一起体会了实地研究的艰难与收获。吴增定、渠敬东、赵晓力、周飞舟、毛亮、强世功、汪庆华、郭金华，张跃宏、李诚等与我作了多次讨论，帮我修正了很多问题。此外，不得不提到的是，与我一同赴美的同学胡宗泽和我共同渡过了初到美国最艰难的阶段，是我永远不会忘记的；而林国华和郑文龙二兄使我没有陷入美国专业教育的泥沼中，也令我感激不尽。我特别还要感谢我的师妹何江穗。她曾经费尽辛苦，帮我将我姥姥口述的十几盘磁带录成文字。
回国之后，北大哲学系的赵敦华、陈来、张志刚、孙尚扬、尚新建、李四龙等教授为我新的研究和教学生活提供了极大的便利。更重要的是，初为人师的我逐渐开始进入一种新的伦理关系。得天下英才而教之已经成为我生活中极大的快乐。能够让学生们有所收获，已经成为我现在继续研究的主要动力。感谢我所有学生的理解和支持。
此外，还要感谢哈佛－燕京学社、弗里德曼基金会、香港中文大学研究基金、中国博士后科学基金、中国教育部留学回国人员科研启动基金对我的研究的经济支持。
本文中的一些章节陆续在一些刊物上发表过，在此感谢这些刊物允许此处重刊：1.1以“自杀中的‘正义’问题”刊于《社会学家茶座》第十八辑，2.1和2.3以“论‘过日子’”刊于《社会学研究》2007年第 6期，4.2以“夫妇之礼与家庭之义：一个个案分析”刊于《乡土中国与文化自觉》文集（三联书店，2007）。
吴 飞
2008年7月于北京

本书为“思想与社会研究系列”之一，对自杀行为作了深入的研究。全书共分古典德性的极限追求、上帝面前的神性和罪性、现代自杀问题的诞生等三个部分。本书内容丰富，分析透彻，具有很高的学术价值。　　这本书并不是一本严格的历史或思想史的梳理。近些年来，对西方自杀历史的研究已经相当丰富。本书所要达到的目的，并不是将欧美学界的这些成果介绍到中国来，也不是全面勾画出自杀思考的哲学史。就本书叙述的时段而言，很多惊心动魂的讨论还根本没有开场。本书所触及的时段，有很多自杀问题相关的人与事，作者也并未谈及。这本书所要做的，是选取古典、中世纪、英国现代早期这三个时段，看其中的人们对同一个问题的不同思考和处理方式，由此勾勒出他们对待美好生活、人性善恶，以及政治建构的相互勾连但又非常不同的思想脉络。

2002年，中国的高自杀率向全世界披露，从此自杀成为一个被广泛关注的社会问题，本书意在透视自杀问题，以反思中国文化中的生命观以及当代中国的文化处境。作者通过梳理西方自杀思想的传统，理解当代自杀学背后的文化假设；要理解中国的自杀问题，不能靠搬用那些自杀学理论，而要寻找中国文化中的相应观念。要解决自杀问题，也不能仅仅铆在自杀这一个现象上，而要通过它来反观更重要的思想文化问题。由此，我们可以理解现代中国的处境和问题，并慢慢找到应对现代性的中国方式。