这部文采洋溢的名作可能提供了目前对民主政治最准确、周全、细密的描述。
剑桥学派的代表人物约翰•邓恩讲述了“民主”作为一个词语、一种观念，以及与之相关的诸多政治实践的演变历程；描述了它如何在两千五百年前作为希腊应对地方性困境的一种临时补救措施而出现，在经历短暂而耀眼的一时兴盛之后，几乎在各处式微达两千年之久后又令人惊异地登场，主导了整个世界的政治想象，成为西方推荐给其他国家的文明之政治内核。
在“民主”主宰了政治言辞的今日世界，我们有必要去探究，这一内核究竟意味着什么？在这漫长的历史中它经历了怎样的魔幻变形，带来怎样的后果？
约翰•邓恩描述了人民管理的起始以及现下的情况。他将历史和概念交错，鲜活地呈现出赞成和反对民主的两派意见，特别是在美国和法国大革命的阶段……如果你想缜密地思考民主的缺点和挑战，这是最佳的着手处。
——《经济学人》（Economist）
本书不仅是叙述民主的概念史，也是英国出版界多年来，最具原创性和启发性的政治作品之一，一如霍布斯般以简约犀利的风格书写。
——乔纳森•桑普顿（Jonathan Sumption）

从十五世纪下半叶起，以意大利为发源地，欧洲进入了文艺复兴时期。正如恩格斯曾经指出的，这是一次人类从来没有经历过的最伟大的、进步的变化，是一个需要巨人的时代，而且产生了巨人——在思维能力、热情和性格方面，在多才多艺和学识渊博方面的巨人时代。尼科洛·马基雅维里正是这个伟大时代的巨人之一。他是意大利佛罗伦萨的政治家、外交家，同时也是一位政治思想家。同时也是第一个使政治学独立，同伦理家彻底分家的人，有“资产阶级政治学奠基人”之称，并且是历史家、军事著作者、诗人和剧作家。
在作者的几部学术名著中，《君主论》是最小的一部，但也是最有名的，它使马基雅维里身后获得举世周知的名声。

《大众的反叛》诞生在20世纪30年代，这是“大众民主”正在成为欧洲政治生活主导的一个非常特别的时期，公众逐渐取代传统的社会精英而成为欧洲社会文化各个领域的支配力量，其话语也逐渐具有威势话语的特征。在另一方面，当时的公众缺乏必要的政治训练和理性涵养，表现出力有不逮的情况——诸如易受短视的功利心驱动、轻信政治投机家的承诺、对公共利益的冷漠，等等。这一切被作者加赛特敏锐地察觉到了，并在这部影响卓著的作品中做了详尽的表述。在书中，作者对于公众主导社会生活所包含的危险性进行了准确地预见(后来欧洲公共生活的巨大灾难不幸应和了作者的预言)，并进而质疑了公众能胜任这种支配角色的带有先验特征的命题。虽然现代社会的技术让公众具备了支配的能力，但是否就有这样的资格呢?是否应该存在着一种克制的力量呢?……作者在书中讨论的问题在今天看来也是非常重要的，对于如何有效避免公共灾难是有巨大帮助的，这也是我们将这部著作引见给中国读者的最主要的动机。

这本书是作者过去几年给一些期刊报纸写的专栏文章结集，其中主要是给《南方人物周刊》的文章。全书中以讲故事的形式，把“美国的民主”这样一个概念性的东西拆解成点点滴滴的事件、政策和人物去描述。

这部极具原创性的著作，通过对劳动、工作和行动；权力、暴力和体力；地球和世界，以及财产和财富等诸概念的区分，强调了人在面临现代社会高度科技化、自动化和经济现代化情境下，仍然具有的“复数性”和开端启新的行动能力，从而重树人们对于人类事务的信念和希望。这本曾被欢呼为“参与式民主的教科书”，将批判的目光投向我们当前认为理所当然的思考和行为方式。时隔50年，这《人的境况》的原创性仍然像当时一样令人瞩目，并能激发起新的思想和讨论。

世界也许充斥着越来越多的暴力，但是诺贝尔奖得主阿马蒂亚•森在这部包罗万象的哲学著作中认为，驱使着这些暴行的，不仅仅是那些不可解脱的仇恨，还有人们的思想混乱。
在11岁那年，阿马蒂亚•森生平第一次亲历了杀戮。20世纪40年代在印度突然爆发的印度教徒—穆斯林骚乱的双方都是受到了别人的有意挑唆。这场骚乱中的绝大多数受害者——包括印度教徒与穆斯林——都是同属一个阶级的劳动人民。然而应当对这场血腥屠杀负……
本文来自: 中国经济学教育科研网(http://www.cenet.org.cn) 详细内容清查看：http://www.cenet.org.cn/article.asp?articleid=39161

《变化社会中的政治秩序》凝住的关于发展中国家的知识广度和分析洞见是惊人的，并确立了亨氏作为他同时代人中最杰出政治学家之一的声誉。首先，亨廷顿论辩说，政治衰朽至少和政治发展一样可能发生。新近独立国家的实际经历是一种愈演愈烈的社会和政治混乱。其次，他提出，现代性中的好东西常常向交错的目标运动。特别是在社会动员超越政治机构发展时，新的社会行为者发现他们无法参与政治而产生挫折感。其结果便是亨氏名之为“普力夺主义”(praetorianism)的状况，也是导致反叛、军事政变以及软弱和组织不力政府的主要原因。经济发展和政治发展不是同一事物的严丝合缝的组成部分。后者随着诸如政党和法制系统之类组织的设立或衍变为更复杂的形式而具有自身的、另类的逻辑。

Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy is the most famous book by Joseph Schumpeter in which he deals with capitalism, socialism and creative destruction. First published in 1942, it is largely unmathematical, compared with neoclassical works, focusing on the unexpected, rapid spurts of entrepreneur-driven growth instead of static models.
The book is unusual insomuch as it was written to appear sympathetic to socialism, beginning with an account of Karl Marx, in order to encourage socialists to read it. Schumpeter hoped they would achieve self-recognition of the problems with socialism in the light of the book, without having to be explicitly told: if the book appeared to be favourable to capitalism, he feared socialists, his target audience, would not bother to read it.

目录
试图贯通于热烈与冷静之间――略述我的治学缘起　(代序)
一、什么是“创造性转化”
二、“创造性转化”的实际运作
三、“创造性转化”的再思
四、为什么应该推行“创造性转化”
五、中国家庭观念的“创造性转化”
六、“错置具体感的廖误”
七、传布家思想“创造性转化”的道路
八、始终忠于知性的神明
九、自由不是解放
十、自由的两项基本原则
一一、法治下的自由
一二、普通性与抽象社会演化的结果
一三、普遍性与抽象性是社会演化的结果
一四、临时性的历史主义者
一五、世事和真理不同
一六 、 “理念忆型分析”的必要
一七、50年代台湾的政治环境
一八、我少年时爱国意识与政治意识
一九、殷海光先生的逻辑课
二0、殷我先生影响了我一生
二一、给历史的开展一个可能的选项
二二、以真诚的生命投入思考的工作
二三、民主的历史意义
二四、民主理论发展的前景
二五、敬傅正先生
二六、现代的公民社会
……
一二四、中国没有法治的传统
一二五、民主只能落实在支持民主的基础上
一二六、正视困难
编后记

Disagreements about the morality of markets, and about self-interested behavior within markets, run deep. They arise from perspectives within economics and political philosophy that appear to have nothing in common. In this book, Daniel Finn provides a framework for understanding these conflicting points of view. Recounting the arguments for and against markets and self-interest, he argues that every economy must address four fundamental problems: allocation, distribution, scale, and the quality of relations. In addition, every perspective on the morality of markets addresses explicitly or implicitly the economic, political, and cultural contexts of markets, or what Finn terms 'the moral ecology of markets'. His book enables a dialogue among the various participants in the debate over justice in markets. In this process, Finn engages with major figures in political philosophy, including John Rawls, Robert Nozick, and Michael Walzer, as well as in economics, notably Milton Friedman, Friedrich Hayek, and James Buchannan.

To those weary and wary of the cacophony about what's wrong with education in America and what ought to be done about it, Oakeshott's voice beckons. As usual, his approach to the subject is subtle, comprehensive, and radical -- in the sense of summoning readers to the root of the matter. That root, Oakeshott believed, is the very nature of learning itself and, concomitantly, the means (as distinct from the method) by which the life of learning is discovered, cultivated, and pursued. As Oakeshott has written, "This, then, is what we are concerned with: adventures in human self-understanding. Not the bare protestation that a human being is a self-conscious, reflective intelligence and that he does not live by bread alone, but the actual enquiries, utterances, and actions in which human beings have expressed their understanding of the human condition. This is the stuff of what has come to be called a liberal' education -- liberal' because it is liberated from the distracting business of satisfying contingent wants". Includes a foreword by Timothy Fuller that reiterates the timelessness of Oakeshott's reflections amid the continuing clamour that characterises discourse about liberal education.

《劝学篇》为“中外劝学名篇系列”之一。 你知道日本最大面值货币上人物是谁吗？学习惟在广泛吸取一切，扩大一己之知见。福泽谕吉（1835-1901），引进西方文明，“脱亚入欧”论鼓吹者，吸取客观性的怀疑精神和民权意识，塑造近代国民有选择的改造本国学术、政治、文化——构建近代国家。我们向日本学什么？日本“复原力”是什么？品读著名教育家、思想家福泽谕吉《劝学篇》你会全面系统了解日本政治经济文化理念和价值观。

历史就是一种客观世界运动发展的过程。看透这个世界，你需要有一种历史惯性的思维。
这是一部预测10年内国际格局发展趋势的作品。未来十年，中国能否成为超级大国？东亚能否取代欧洲成为世界中心？欧盟、俄罗斯、日本将风采尽失？“金砖国家”将成为历史？ 中国应放弃不结盟政策吗？中国应采取何种外交方式？中国的周边国家，孰敌、孰友？中国该以何种思想引领世界？
本书深刻对比、剖析了中美未来十年的实力变化，提出了2023年世界将出现中美两个超级大国，两极格局也随即形成的大胆预测，同时还将世界主要大国未来十年的发展走势进行深入阐述，探讨了两极格局形成的必然性。作者还结合国内情势以及中国政策的发展方向，提出了独到的观点以及切实可行的政策建议。

一部历史写给现实的时事教科书！几位80后作者，用他们的笔描摹过去的世界，用他们的眼睛观察现在的世界，用他们的睿智迎接未来的世界！
站在21世纪的第二个十年里，回望100年前的时候，世界正在经历一场大变革：第一次世界大战刚刚结束，第二次工业革命的成果正在显现……百年之后的现在，世界仍然在酝酿一场大变革！
站在世界变革的风口浪尖，我们必须要有一种力量，一种应变大变局的力量。本书给我们的便是这种力量！书中从政治、经济、军事、人口、历史等诸多方面，为我们呈现了世界各国一路走来的风风雨雨。
回顾历史很容易，站在历史的车轮上选择下面的路却很难。这本书清楚地阐述了几位80后对当下道路的思考与选择。他们将会选择怎样的道路？他们又将和这个时代协商些什么？本书将会给你最好的答案！

书中论述公域讲权力，私域曰权利；公域讲民主，私域言自由。这就是「群己界线」，或曰「群己权界」——「群」者，群体、社会公域也；「己」者，自己、个人私域也；亦即公共领域和私人领域要区分清楚。表示社会和个人都有自己的「权」，但它们的权又都有其界限。
自由在个人与群体间的分寸是非常精微的，严复当年用文言语句翻译穆勒的《论自由》时（On Liberty），将书名译作《群己权界论》。严复以「自繇」二字，将穆勒对个人尊严与自由的想法引介至中国，让近代中国的知识份子对于西方的自由思想，有了一个开创性的认识；并相当重视群与己之间的互动与平衡。
由一人一己之自繇，乃至一会一党之群体，须明白群己权限之划分，使不偏于国群而压制小己，亦不袒护小己而使国群受害，并强调自由民主制度的实施其实是涉及一个国家的形势与国民程度。对于自由的内涵、个人与群体、公域与私域间的权界，析论分明。

2013年11月12日中国共产党第十八届中央委员会第三次全体会议通过

Henry Kissinger offers in
a deep meditation on the roots of international harmony and global disorder. Drawing on his experience as one of the foremost statesmen of the modern era—advising presidents, traveling the world, observing and shaping the central foreign policy events of recent decades—Kissinger now reveals his analysis of the ultimate challenge for the twenty-first century: how to build a shared international order in a world of divergent historical perspectives, violent conflict, proliferating technology, and ideological extremism.
There has never been a true “world order,” Kissinger observes. For most of history, civilizations defined their own concepts of order. Each considered itself the center of the world and envisioned its distinct principles as universally relevant. China conceived of a global cultural hierarchy with the Emperor at its pinnacle. In Europe, Rome imagined itself surrounded by barbarians; when Rome fragmented, European peoples refined a concept of an equilibrium of sovereign states and sought to export it across the world. Islam, in its early centuries, considered itself the world’s sole legitimate political unit, destined to expand indefinitely until the world was brought into harmony by religious principles. The United States was born of a conviction about the universal applicability of democracy—a conviction that has guided its policies ever since.
Now international affairs take place on a global basis, and these historical concepts of world order are meeting. Every region participates in questions of high policy in every other, often instantaneously. Yet there is no consensus among the major actors about the rules and limits guiding this process, or its ultimate destination. The result is mounting tension.
Grounded in Kissinger’s deep study of history and his experience as National Security Advisor and Secretary of State,
guides readers through crucial episodes in recent world history. Kissinger offers a unique glimpse into the inner deliberations of the Nixon administration’s negotiations with Hanoi over the end of the Vietnam War, as well as Ronald Reagan’s tense debates with Soviet Premier Gorbachev in Reykjavík. He offers compelling insights into the future of U.S.–China relations and the evolution of the European Union, and examines lessons of the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan. Taking readers from his analysis of nuclear negotiations with Iran through the West’s response to the Arab Spring and tensions with Russia over Ukraine,
anchors Kissinger’s historical analysis in the decisive events of our time.
Provocative and articulate, blending historical insight with geopolitical prognostication,
is a unique work that could come only from a lifelong policymaker and diplomat.

Chosen by BusinessWeek as One of the Top Ten Business Books of the Year
With apologies to Hegel, Marx, and Lenin, the basic unit of modern society is neither the state, nor the commune, nor the party; it is the company. From this bold premise, John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge chart the rise of one of history’s great catalysts for good and evil.
In a “fast-paced and well-written” work (Forbes), the authors reveal how innovations such as limitations on liability have permitted companies to rival religions and even states in importance, governing the flow of wealth and controlling human affairs–all while being largely exempt from the rules that govern our lives.
The Company is that rare, remarkable book that fills a major gap we scarcely knew existed. With it, we are better able to make sense of the past four centuries, as well as the events of today.

Patterns of Empire comprehensively examines the two most powerful empires in modern history: the United States and Britain. Challenging the popular theory that the American empire is unique, Patterns of Empire shows how the policies, practices, forms and historical dynamics of the American empire repeat those of the British, leading up to the present climate of economic decline, treacherous intervention in the Middle East and overextended imperial confidence. A critical exercise in revisionist history and comparative social science, this book also offers a challenging theory of empire that recognizes the agency of non-Western peoples, the impact of global fields and the limits of imperial power.