Amazon.co.uk Review
In the post-war period, the CIA funded not just the right-wing bits of European intellectual life but also the centre, in order to detach intellectuals from the Left, and this book tells us how. It is touching on the career of Michael Josselson, the principal intellectual bagman who in 1950 became the Congress' Administrative Secretary, and his eventual betrayal by various people like Stephen Spender who scapegoated him. Sanders demonstrates that, in the early days, the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) and the emergent CIA were less dominated by the far right than they later became, and that the idea of helping out progressive moderates--rather than being Machiavellian--actually appealed to the men at the top.
Many intellectuals were still drawn to Stalin's Russia. Saunders superbly traces the crisis of conscience that McCarthyism and its associated bookburning in US libraries caused, and the subsequent rise of more moderate ideals. Saunders does not discuss the way the cult of Kennedy grows out of the same soil as a lot of this stuff--he was an excuse to love America after all. This is an exhaustive account, which, despite neglecting some important side issues, is an essential book. --Roz Kaveney --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
Synopsis
During the Cold War, writers and artists were faced with a huge challenge. In the Soviet world, they were expected to turn out works that glorified militancy, struggle and relentless optimism. In the West, freedom of expression was vaunted as liberal democracy's most cherished possession. But such freedom could carry a cost. This book documents the extraordinary energy of a secret campaign in which some of the most vocal exponents of intellectual freedom in the West were instruments - whether they knew it or not, whether they liked it or not - of America's secret service.

"It's your misfortune and none of my own," the line from a song, sets the tone for this sweeping account of the West from the early European incursions to the present. White, a leader in the "new history of the West" movement, builds upon Patricia N. Limerick's The Legacy of Conquest ( LJ 9/1/87) to provide a far-reaching explanation of the creation of a region rather than just the vanishing of the frontier. Drawing upon ethnic, environmental, urban, labor, and women's history as well as traditional sources, White gives fresh perspective to the West. His book is well written and contains useful graphics, though a major disappointment is the lack of footnotes. Nonetheless, this is a significant contribution to the understanding not only of how the West was won but also of how much of it was lost. This will appeal to history buffs and scholars and is highly recommended for academic and larger public libraries.
-Daniel Liestman, Seattle Pacific Univ.

In this leading text, Walter LaFeber offers a comprehensive history of American foreign relations from the mid-eighteenth century to the present. His narrative account features several major themes: the connections between U.S. foreign policy and domestic politics; the impact of American economic development on foreign policy interests; popular culture, particularly film, as a filter for public opinion on American commitments abroad; the roles of public opinion, leadership, and bureaucracy in the formation of policy. In the Second Edition, LaFeber has revised nearly every chapter in the book. In the early chapters, there is more attention to the origins of foreign policy institutions and practices, including precedents for the executive agreement, and new discussions of U.S. relations with Britain in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The more recent chapters feature fresh insights of Potsdam, the origins of the Korean War, and the Cuban Missile Crisis--all based on new evidence drawn from Soviet archives. The new edition amply covers the momentous events that brought the Cold War to an end and thrust the United States into the uncetain position of the world's only superpower.

"Amexica" provides the first full account of the terror unfolding along the US-Mexico border. An area of land more than 2,000 miles long and 100 miles wide - effectively a country in its own right - has become a battleground. Drugs, guns and killings are the currency of everyday existence as an ever-escalating narco-war explodes out of control. In the last three years more than 23,000 people have been murdered in Amexica as criminal drug cartels fight each other - with ever more inventive twists of violence - for pre-eminence in the 'plazas' - the rivers of narcotics flowing into America, and for consumption in Mexico itself. The war is a grotesque pastiche of the globalised economy: the cartels are inextricably bound up with sweatshop factories, with the smuggling of guns south from the US, with the entertainment industry and with the mass abduction and exploitation of women. This is both the busiest and most deadly frontier in the world, studded with guard-posts, infra-red searchlights and heavily armed patrols. It's a war that's scarcely reported - a war that's being fought, with thousands dying and millions of lives blighted, so that Europe and America can get high. Journalist Ed Vulliamy has long had a love-hate relationship with Amexica - the place and its people. For four months he went on a road trip zigzagging along the entire border. This is the story of that journey and of the visits that preceded it; of the causes and consequences of the war and its impact on the everyday life which somehow goes on around it.

在线阅读本书
Capital Ideas traces the origins of modern Wall Street, from the pioneering work of early scholars and the development of new theories in risk, valuation, and investment returns, to the actual implementation of these theories in the real world of investment management. Bernstein brings to life a variety of brilliant academics who have contributed to modern investment theory over the years: Louis Bachelier, Harry Markowitz, William Sharpe, Fischer Black, Myron Scholes, Robert Merton, Franco Modigliani, and Merton Miller. Filled with in–depth insights and timeless advice, Capital Ideas reveals how the unique contributions of these talented individuals profoundly changed the practice of investment management as we know it today.

This book contains profiles of some of America's richest people and how they got that way - and how you can too. While we can't promise that this book will elevate you to the ranks of the super-rich, we can say that within its pages you'll discover everything you need to know about how, exactly, many of America's most famous (and infamous) millionaires and billionaires acquired their fortunes. The big surprise is that all of the super-wealthy it profiles got where they are today by taking one of just ten possible roads-including starting a business, buying real estate, investing wisely, and marrying extremely well. Whether you aspire to shameful wealth or just a demure fortune, bestselling author and self-made billionaire, Ken Fisher, will show you how to walk in the footsteps of tycoons-all the way to the financial success you dream of and deserve. Packed with amusing anecdotes of individuals who have traveled (or tumbled) down each road to wealth. It extracts valuable lessons on how you, too, can achieve serious wealth, and, just as importantly, hold onto it. It provides powerful tools for determining what you need to do to position yourself for success and "Guideposts" and "Warning Signs" to help keep you safely on your road to success. The Second Edition features more profiles and instructive examples than were found in the bestselling first edition.

繁华闪耀的香港，文艺作品里的香港，娱乐明星的香港，街巷美味的香港，疯狂购物的香港，迪士尼乐园的香港，颠沛流离终于回家的香港，充满活力又无所依傍的香港。受关注的香港，被遗忘的香港。自由的香港，压抑的香港。
你的香港，我的香港。
他的香港。
自称“港怂”的北漂律师徐天成，看 到廖信忠所著《我们台湾这些年》之后，深受启发，希望能以一位普通香港人的视角，通过自己那支微小但真切的笔，来说说一个真实甚至未知的香港。
徐天成与廖信忠同为1977年生人，这30多年来，香港的发展？香港人的心理归属感究竟是怎样的？香港的身份和台湾有什么不同？香港回归前后，当地人的生活有何变化？香港人是怎么看内地人的？
一本书无法展现全貌，只不过是一个普通香港人的真实告白。在“借来的地方”，他们如此生活。

Selected as a Financial Times Best Book of 2013
In Strategy: A History, Sir Lawrence Freedman, one of the world's leading authorities on war and international politics, captures the vast history of strategic thinking, in a consistently engaging and insightful account of how strategy came to pervade every aspect of our lives.
The range of Freedman's narrative is extraordinary, moving from the surprisingly advanced strategy practiced in primate groups, to the opposing strategies of Achilles and Odysseus in The Iliad, the strategic advice of Sun Tzu and Machiavelli, the great military innovations of Baron Henri de Jomini and Carl von Clausewitz, the grounding of revolutionary strategy in class struggles by Marx, the insights into corporate strategy found in Peter Drucker and Alfred Sloan, and the contributions of the leading social scientists working on strategy today. The core issue at the heart of strategy, the author notes, is whether it is possible to manipulate and shape our environment rather than simply become the victim of forces beyond one's control. Time and again, Freedman demonstrates that the inherent unpredictability of this environment-subject to chance events, the efforts of opponents, the missteps of friends-provides strategy with its challenge and its drama. Armies or corporations or nations rarely move from one predictable state of affairs to another, but instead feel their way through a series of states, each one not quite what was anticipated, requiring a reappraisal of the original strategy, including its ultimate objective. Thus the picture of strategy that emerges in this book is one that is fluid and flexible, governed by the starting point, not the end point.
A brilliant overview of the most prominent strategic theories in history, from David's use of deception against Goliath, to the modern use of game theory in economics, this masterful volume sums up a lifetime of reflection on strategy.

In his thousand-day presidency, John F. Kennedy led America throuh one of its most difficult and potentially explosive areas. With the Cold War at its height and the threat of communist advances in Europe and the Third World, Kennedy had the unenviable task of maintaining US solidarity without leading the western world into a nuclear catastrophe. In 'Kennedy's Wars', noted historian Lawrence Freedman draws on the best of Cold War scholarship and newly released government documents to illuminate Kennedy's approach to war and his efforts for peace. He recreates insightfully the political and intellectual milieu of the foreign policy establishment during Kennedy's era with vivid profiles of his top advisors - Robert McNamara, Dean Rusk, Robert Kennedy - and influential figures such as Dean Acheson and Walt Rostow. Tracing the evolution of traditional liberalism into the Cold War liberalism of Kennedy's cabinet, Freedman evaluates their responses to the tensions in Berlin, Cuba, Laos, and Vietnam. He gives each conflict individual attention, showing how foreign policy decisions came to be defined for each new crisis in the light of those that had gone before. Readers will follow Kennedy as he wrestles with the succession of major conflicts - taking advice, weighing the risks of inadvertently escalating the Cold War into outright military confrontation, exploring diplomatic options, and forming strategic judgements that would eventually prevent a major war during his presidency. 'Kennedy's Wars' offers a dynamic and human portrait of Kennedy under pressure: a political leader shaped by the ideas of his time, conscious of his vulnerability to electoral defeat but also of his nation's vulnerability to nuclear war. Military and Kennedy enthusiasts will find its balanced consideration of the president's foreign policy and provocative 'what if' scenarios invaluable keys to understanding his accomplishments, failures, and enduring legacy.

The gap between rich and poor has never been wider…legislative stalemate paralyzes the country…corporations resist federal regulations…spectacular mergers produce giant companies…the influence of money in politics deepens…bombs explode in crowded streets…small wars proliferate far from our shores…a dizzying array of inventions speeds the pace of daily life.
These unnervingly familiar headlines serve as the backdrop for Doris Kearns Goodwin’s highly anticipated The Bully Pulpit—a dynamic history of the first decade of the Progressive era, that tumultuous time when the nation was coming unseamed and reform was in the air.
The story is told through the intense friendship of Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft—a close relationship that strengthens both men before it ruptures in 1912, when they engage in a brutal fight for the presidential nomination that divides their wives, their children, and their closest friends, while crippling the progressive wing of the Republican Party, causing Democrat Woodrow Wilson to be elected, and changing the country’s history.
The Bully Pulpit is also the story of the muckraking press, which arouses the spirit of reform that helps Roosevelt push the government to shed its laissez-faire attitude toward robber barons, corrupt politicians, and corporate exploiters of our natural resources. The muckrakers are portrayed through the greatest group of journalists ever assembled at one magazine—Ida Tarbell, Ray Stannard Baker, Lincoln Steffens, and William Allen White—teamed under the mercurial genius of publisher S. S. McClure.
Goodwin’s narrative is founded upon a wealth of primary materials. The correspondence of more than four hundred letters between Roosevelt and Taft begins in their early thirties and ends only months before Roosevelt’s death. Edith Roosevelt and Nellie Taft kept diaries. The muckrakers wrote hundreds of letters to one another, kept journals, and wrote their memoirs. The letters of Captain Archie Butt, who served as a personal aide to both Roosevelt and Taft, provide an intimate view of both men.
The Bully Pulpit, like Goodwin’s brilliant chronicles of the Civil War and World War II, exquisitely demonstrates her distinctive ability to combine scholarly rigor with accessibility. It is a major work of history—an examination of leadership in a rare moment of activism and reform that brought the country closer to its founding ideals.

本书为菲利普·内莫《古典与中世纪政治思想史》的第三卷。作者系法国当代著名哲学、政治学教授，毕业于法国圣克鲁高师，现为巴黎高等商学院一欧洲管理学院的教授兼巴黎高等商学院经济哲学研究中心的负责人。1998年，《古典与中世纪政治思想史》作为“基础丛书”的分册出版。此后，本书与该丛书中2002年出版的《现当代政治思想史》组合为“战车（Quadrige）丛书”。自此以后，“政治观念史教程”便成为法国各个大学、研究机构经典的教学用书。 本书首先详尽地论述了居住于古代近东地区的希伯来人的历史，以及包含在他们的古代经典中的政治思想。作者认为希伯来人的古代经典中的政治思想迥异于古代希腊、罗马人的政治思想，由于经历了中世纪，来自“耶路撒冷”的新的道德因素与来自雅典和罗马的公民遗产终于真正融合在一起；于是欧洲致力于科学及社会进步的现代才有可能取得长足进步，并以自由民主制为典范组织起来，国家的权力受到限定与限制。本书最值得瞩目之处在于作者对《圣经》中所包含的政治思想的详细、深入而准确的论述。

《民主与城邦的衰落》为法国政治学教授菲利普·内莫《古典与中世纪政治思想史》的第一卷。民主与城邦的兴衰是探究古希腊政治历史的潜在线索，也是古希腊寡头派思想家们思索的一项主题。《民主与城邦的衰落》详尽地阐述了柏拉图、亚里士多德、色诺芬、伊索克拉底、德谟斯提尼等古希腊思想家的生平、作品、各自学说中的主要论点及其架构。

本书为菲利普·内莫《古典与中世纪政治思想史》的第二卷。作者系法国当代著名哲学、政治学教授，毕业于法国圣克鲁高师，现为巴黎高等商学院一欧洲管理学院的教授兼巴黎高等商学院经济哲学研究中心的负责人。1998年，《古典与中世纪政治思想史》作为“基础丛书”的分册出版。此后，本书与该丛书中2002年出版的《现当代政治思想史》组合为“战车（Quadrige）丛书”。自此以后，“政治观念史教程”便成为法国各个大学、研究机构经典的教学用书。 本书首先围绕着罗马共和国的兴盛与罗马帝国的崛起，线条鲜明地勾勒了整部罗马人的历史。在向读者论述罗马历史的同时。本书作者着重介绍了罗马法的各项重要内容，包括其起源发展，各个历史阶段的诉讼程式，以及罗马公法和私法的各项内容。