This study of the emergence of machine politics in New York City during the antebellum years sheds light on the origins of a system that was the characteristic form of government in United States cities from the mid-nineteenth until well into the twentieth century. In contrast to previous explanations that have found the origins of machine politics in immigrant culture and ethnic conflict, Professor Bridges shows that central elements of the system long predated a significant immigrant presence. Her analysis focuses on two large-scale transformations in the American political economy that occurred during these years: industrialization, which reorganized the social order and provoked conflict and change; and the extension of the franchise through the abolition of property barriers, which necessitated the incorporation of 'the many' into political life. It was this unique combination of circumstances, the author argues, that provided the context for the development of machine politics.

Matthew Frye Jacobson argues in this text about America's racial odyssey, that race resides not in nature but in the contingencies of politics and culture. In ever-changing racial categories we glimpse the competing theories of history and collective destiny by which power has been organized and contested in the USA. Looking at the field of "whiteness studies" and linking it to traditional historical inquiry, Jacobson shows that in the USA, nation of immigrants, "race" has been at the core of civic assimilation: ethnic minorities in becoming American were reracialized to become Caucasian. He provides a counter-history of how nationality groups such as the Irish or Greeks became Americans as racial groups like Celts or Mediterraneans became Caucasian. Jacobson tracks race as a conception and perception, emphasizing the importance of knowing not only how we label one another but also how we see one another, and how that racialized vision has largely been transformed in the 20th century.

《吴经熊裁判集与霍姆斯通信集》分为两部分，吴经熊裁判集和吴经熊与霍姆斯通信集。吴经熊裁判集又分为民事案件和刑事案件，主要内容包括：有担保之分期归还契约案、合法取得之无记名票据案、契约之原因与缘由案、使用主于被用人执行业务时所致损害之责任案、霍姆斯致吴经熊的信等。

《大陆法与英美法的区别》内容简介：杨兆龙先生是中国著名法学家，“东吴法学”的代表性人物，在民国时期便已确立起广泛的国际声誉，曾被海牙国际法学院评为全世界50位杰出法学家之一。杨兆龙一生著述甚多，但后半生因政治原因，命途多舛，学术成果也多数散落失轶，不行于世。后经杨兆龙先生之女儿杨黎明、女婿陆锦碧多方收集整理，得回百万余言。考虑文稿内容较为庞杂，编者从中精心采选那些能够超越时空，于今仍有很大学术阅读与参考价值的作品，汇为此集，以飨有心之读者诸君，亦表对那一代学人的敬意与怀念。

Shows us the science behind the hit series "Lie to Me: the Truth is Written on our Faces" This is the only book helps you "read faces," and interpret their emotions, in an easy-to-read visual format. There are hundreds of illustrations which show how to tell what someone is experiencing. Great for viewers of "Lie to Me," people interested in understanding their friends and coworkers, and students in College and High School. Dr. Paul Ekman, who is the basis for the character Cal Lightman in "Lie to Me," is the researcher who developed the new science of face recognition. There is a lot of media and popular interest in this work, as well as its use in the classroom. "I've been familiar with Ekman's work for several years now; I have found nothing else that even comes close to Unmasking the Face] providing the reader with the knowledge they need to master the science of reading the emotions of others by decoding their facial expressions. Ekman is the king " Vincent Harris --

From Publishers Weekly
In this acutely argued book, Columbia University political scientist Snyder challenges the American dogma that voting is a political panacea regardless of conditions or circumstances. Critically assessing American foreign policy in the 1990s, he argues that promoting free elections often produces serious conflict; he argues that where critical preconditions are not present (where there isn't, for instance, an adaptable ruling elite or institutions such as the rule of law and a free press), embracing the popular ballot often leads to the rise of a noxious nationalism, conflict and war: "Democratization produces nationalism when powerful elites within a nation need to harness popular energies to the tasks of war and economic development" yet "want to avoid surrendering real political authority." Snyder supports his theory with overwhelming evidence from a diverse array of historical situations--from revolutionary France to Nazi Germany, from Eastern Europe after the breakup of the Soviet Union to central Africa and central and southern Asia. His documentation suggests a pattern in ethnically divided authoritarian states: ethnic/nationalist conflict often bursts out just as efforts at democratization get underway. Drawing on his analysis, Snyder "prescribes ways to make democratic transitions less dangerous." The intellectual rigor of this important book distinguishes it from arguments driven by simple conservative longings for authoritarian rule; his analysis of the link between the initiation of democracy and resulting nationalism is far more convincing than the common reference to "ancient hatreds" as the source of conflict. Exceptionally well-organized and clearly written, Snyder's book provides a fresh look at the debate over the process of introducing democracy into formerly authoritarian countries. (Apr.)
Copyright 2000 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
Review
A scholarly thesis about the perils and difficulties involved in the transition from tyranny to participatory government. Snyder (Political Science/Columbia) finds a correlation between a collapsing central authority (followed by a quickly emerging but immature democratization process) and the newly aroused ethnic conflicts that have sprung up in recent years. He suggests policies that would make such transitions safer, mainly by not rushing democratic political structures into place before the logical stages of progress have been achieved. Snyder also argues that a controlled media in the early phases of democratization may create national mythmaking, and that this may deter the development of democratic institutions (as was the case in Germany before WWI and WWII). He bases his theories upon the historical experiences of Germany, revolutionary France, Serbia, India, postcolonial Africa, and other nations with weak or nonexistent traditions of democratic government. Some of these nations democratic traditions were too weak to offset the powerful forces of ethnic nationalism that, once unleashed, brought violent conflicts against real or perceived enemies (as in Bosnia, Kosovo, Croatia, etc.). The refusal of discredited ruling parties to accept electoral defeat, combined with immoderate appeals to the old ethnic groups that were once held in check by a strong central government, will inevitably present a real and profound danger to peoples not used to democracy. In contrast, Snyder argues, civic identity and civic nationalization divided people the least after the fall of communism (as in Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Ukraine, etc.). He believes that the preconditions of democracy must be in place in order for it to develop sanelyand in order to avoid the ethnic nationalism of hate and civil war that can be driven by manipulating political leaders. Snyder presents logical theories supported by historical studies that question the undue optimism of a rush to an immature liberal democracy at the tragic cost of bloody strife and loss of freedom. National leaders should take notice. (Kirkus Reviews)

Now fully updated to cover the Arab Spring, Eugene Rogan has written an authoritative new history of the Arabs in the modern world. Starting with the Ottoman conquests in the sixteenth century, this landmark book follows the story of the Arabs through the era of European imperialism and the Superpower rivalries of the Cold War, to the present age of unipolar American power. Drawing on the writings and eyewitness accounts of those who lived through the tumultuous years of Arab history, "The Arabs" balances different voices - politicians, intellectuals, students, men and women, poets and novelists, famous, infamous and the completely unknown - to give a rich, complex sense of life over nearly five centuries. Rogan's book is remarkable for its geographical sweep, covering the Arab world from North Africa through the Arabian Peninsula, and for the depth in which it explores every facet of modern Arab history. Charting the evolution of Arab identity from Ottomanism to Arabism to Islamism, it covers themes including the conflict between national independence and foreign domination, the Arab-Israeli struggle and the peace process, Abdel Nasser and the rise of Arab Nationalism, the political and economic power of oil and the conflict between secular and Islamic values. This multilayered, fascinating and definitive work is the essential guide to understanding the history of the modern Arab world - and its future.