The definitive, bestselling book on the origins and development of nationalism.
Imagined Communities, Benedict Anderson's brilliant book on nationalism, forged a new field of study when it first appeared in 1983. Since then it has sold over a quarter of a million copies and is widely considered the most important book on the subject. In this greatly anticipated revised edition, Anderson updates and elaborates on the core question: what makes people live, die and kill in the name of nations? He shows how an originary nationalism born in the Americas was adopted by popular movements in Europe, by imperialist powers, and by the anti-imperialist resistances in Asia and Africa, and explores the way communities were created by the growth of the nation-state, the interaction between capitalism and printing, and the birth of vernacular languages-of-state. Anderson revisits these fundamental ideas, showing how their relevance has been tested by the events of the past two decades.

This book examines the political and moral challenges that face the vast majority of human beings who consider themselves to be members of various nations. It explores nationality through the difficulties and conflicts that have arisen throughout history, and discusses nations and nationalism from social, philosophical, and anthropological perspectives. In this fascinating Very Short Introduction, Steven Grosby looks at the nation in history, the territorial element in nationality, and the complex ways nationality has co-existed with religion, and shows how closely linked the concept of nationalism is with being human.

Donald Trump, Silvio Berlusconi, Marine Le Pen, Hugo Chávez—populists are on the rise across the globe. But what exactly is populism? Should everyone who criticizes Wall Street or Washington be called a populist? What precisely is the difference between right-wing and left-wing populism? Does populism bring government closer to the people or is it a threat to democracy? Who are "the people" anyway and who can speak in their name? These questions have never been more pressing.
In this groundbreaking volume, Jan-Werner Müller argues that at populism's core is a rejection of pluralism. Populists will always claim that they and they alone represent the people and their true interests. Müller also shows that, contrary to conventional wisdom, populists can govern on the basis of their claim to exclusive moral representation of the people: if populists have enough power, they will end up creating an authoritarian state that excludes all those not considered part of the proper "people." The book proposes a number of concrete strategies for how liberal democrats should best deal with populists and, in particular, how to counter their claims to speak exclusively for "the silent majority" or "the real people."
Analytical, accessible, and provocative, What Is Populism? is grounded in history and draws on examples from Latin America, Europe, and the United States to define the characteristics of populism and the deeper causes of its electoral successes in our time.

民族主義研究的必讀經典
《想像的共同體》自1983年問世以來，不但使學界對民族與民族主義課題的思考角度產生哥白尼式的徹底翻轉，其深刻影響也廣及人文與社會學科的各個領域。除了被譯成三十一種語言出版之外，甚至成為一種近乎教科書的作品，遠遠超乎作者的預料。
安德森從文化內涵的改變與印刷資本主義的興起來探討民族主義的源起，並辨析民族主義在美洲誕生，被歐洲的群眾運動挪用，被帝國政權吸納，再到亞非兩洲以民族主義為號召的反帝國主義抗爭的數百年過程。
此次中文增訂版收錄了安德森於2006年新添的一章，概略檢視了此書所造成的影響，並探討此書在世界各地的出版與反應情況；另外更收錄了2003年作者兩篇關於臺灣處境的研討會講稿，以及譯者訪談這位學術大師的深情記敘。

本书收集了刘浦江教授以正统论、华夷观透视中国古代政治文化的系列论文，本书突破断代史的藩篱，敏锐地抓住历代正统论、德运说、华夷观念等涉及中国古代政治文化及思想观念变迁的核心问题，进行长时段的系统研究。论证精审，眼光独到，表现出恢弘的学术器局和广阔的学术视野。另外收入刘浦江讲授去世前集中发表的四库学论文，皆选取典型案例做深度挖掘，与寻常的文献学研究相比气象迥然不同。

关于中国国家的治理逻辑，本书主要沿着两条脉络进行探讨：一是中央权威与地方政府之间的关系，这体现在各级政府体制的制度设施和行为方式；一是国家与民众之间的关系，这体现在国家与社会群体的相互影响上。本书从学术上推进了当前国内的国家治理研究，并为社会科学研究者提供了一种可以参照 的研究路径和视角。

There’s no question that Americans are bitterly divided by politics. But in Partisans and Partners, Josh Pacewicz finds that our traditional understanding of red/blue, right/left, urban/rural division is too simplistic.
Wheels-down in Iowa—that most important of primary states—Pacewicz looks to two cities, one traditionally Democratic, the other traditionally Republican, and finds that younger voters are rejecting older-timers’ strict political affiliations. A paradox is emerging—as the dividing lines between America’s political parties have sharpened, Americans are at the same time growing distrustful of traditional party politics in favor of becoming apolitical or embracing outside-the-beltway candidates. Pacewicz sees this change coming not from politicians and voters, but from the fundamental reorganization of the community institutions in which political parties have traditionally been rooted. Weaving together major themes in American political history—including globalization, the decline of organized labor, loss of locally owned industries, uneven economic development, and the emergence of grassroots populist movements—Partisans and Partners is a timely and comprehensive analysis of American politics as it happens on the ground.
REVIEW QUOTES
Andrew Abbott, University of Chicago
“A tale of two cities, and through them, of the tidal shifts of American politics in the last forty years. Based on years of painstaking field work as well as on archival and documentary analysis, the book develops a whole new approach to theorizing American political life. This will be one of the definitive American political ethnographies, right up there with Robert Dahl’s Who Governs?”
Nina Eliasoph, University of Southern California
“This superb study of the transformations of local political power in the United States over the past forty years doubles as a beautiful, tender, and evocative portrait of two whole ways of life, and triples as a set of answers to the most burning political questions of the day. Local politicians, party members, scholars of politics and culture, nonprofit managers, voters: everyone should read this book! By bringing poetry, science, and history to bear on our country—and world’s—most urgent political and social questions, Partisans and Partners ought to become a classic.”

'All too often, Karl Marx has been regarded as a demon or a deity - or a busted flush. This fresh, provocative, and hugely enjoyable book explains why, for all his shortcomings, his critique of modern society remains forcefully relevant even in the twenty-first century.' Francis Wheen, author of Karl Marx In recent years we could be forgiven for assuming that Marx has nothing left to say to us. Marxist regimes have failed miserably, and with them, it seemed, all reason to take Marx seriously. The fall of the Berlin Wall had enormous symbolic resonance: it was taken to be the fall of Marx as well as of Marxist politics and economics. This timely book argues that we can detach Marx the critic of current society from Marx the prophet of future society, and that he remains the most impressive critic we have of liberal, capitalist, bourgeois society. It also shows that the value of the 'great thinkers' does not depend on their views being true, but on other features such as their originality, insight, and systematic vision. On this account too Marx still richly deserves to be read.

Originally published on the eve of the 1848 European revolutions, The Communist Manifesto is a condensed and incisive account of the worldview Marx and Engels developed during their hectic intellectual and political collaboration. Formulating the principles of dialectical materialism, they believed that labor creates wealth, hence capitalism is exploitive and antithetical to freedom.
This new edition includes an extensive introduction by Gareth Stedman Jones, Britain's leading expert on Marx and Marxism, providing a complete course for students of The Communist Manifesto, and demonstrating not only the historical importance of the text, but also its place in the world today.

这本书讨论“世界”“东亚”与“中国”、“学术”与“政治”、“认同”与“拒斥”、“国别史”与“区域史”这样一些大问题。

Inequality is widely regarded as morally T. M. Scanlon investigates why it matters to us. Demands for greater equality can seem puzzling, because it can be unclear what reason people have for objecting to the difference between what they have and what others have, as opposed simply to wanting to be better off. This book examines six such reasons. Inequality can be objectionable because it arises from a failure of some agent to give equal concern to the interests of different parties to whom it is obligated to provide some good. It can be objectionable because it involves or gives rise to objectionable inequalities in status. It can be objectionable because it gives the rich unacceptable forms of control over the lives of those who have less. It can be objectionable because it interferes with the procedural fairness of economic institutions, or because it deprives some people of substantive opportunity to take part in those institutions. Inequality can be
objectionable because it interferes with the fairness of political institutions. Finally, inequality in wealth and income can be objectionable because it is the institutional mechanisms that produce it cannot be justified in the relevant way. Scanlon's aims is to provide a moral anatomy of these six reasons, and the ideas of equality that they involve. He also examines objections to the pursuit of equality on the ground that it involves objectionable interference with individual liberty, and argues that ideas of desert do not provide a basis either for justifying significant economic inequality or for objecting to it.

Product Description
An unimpeachable classic work in political philosophy, intellectual and cultural history, and economics, The Road to Serfdom has inspired and infuriated politicians, scholars, and general readers for half a century. Originally published in 1944—when Eleanor Roosevelt supported the efforts of Stalin, and Albert Einstein subscribed lock, stock, and barrel to the socialist program—The Road to Serfdom was seen as heretical for its passionate warning against the dangers of state control over the means of production. For F. A. Hayek, the collectivist idea of empowering government with increasing economic control would lead not to a utopia but to the horrors of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy.
First published by the University of Chicago Press on September 18, 1944, The Road to Serfdom garnered immediate, widespread attention. The first printing of 2,000 copies was exhausted instantly, and within six months more than 30,000 books were sold. In April 1945, Reader’s Digest published a condensed version of the book, and soon thereafter the Book-of-the-Month Club distributed this edition to more than 600,000 readers. A perennial best seller, the book has sold 400,000 copies in the United States alone and has been translated into more than twenty languages, along the way becoming one of the most important and influential books of the century.
With this new edition, The Road to Serfdom takes its place in the series The Collected Works of F. A. Hayek. The volume includes a foreword by series editor and leading Hayek scholar Bruce Caldwell explaining the book's origins and publishing history and assessing common misinterpretations of Hayek's thought. Caldwell has also standardized and corrected Hayek's references and added helpful new explanatory notes. Supplemented with an appendix of related materials ranging from prepublication reports on the initial manuscript to forewords to earlier editions by John Chamberlain, Milton Friedman, and Hayek himself, this new edition of The Road to Serfdom will be the definitive version of Friedrich Hayek's enduring masterwork.

This book is the first major account of political thought in twentieth-century Europe, both West and East, to appear since the end of the Cold War. Skillfully blending intellectual, political, and cultural history, Jan-Werner Müller elucidates the ideas that shaped the period of ideological extremes before 1945 and the liberalization of West European politics after the Second World War. He also offers vivid portraits of famous as well as unjustly forgotten political thinkers and the movements and institutions they inspired.
Müller pays particular attention to ideas advanced to justify fascism and how they relate to the special kind of liberal democracy that was created in postwar Western Europe. He also explains the impact of the 1960s and neoliberalism, ending with a critical assessment of today's self-consciously post-ideological age.

Eric Hobsbawm's brilliant enquiry into the question of nationalism won further acclaim for his 'colossal stature ... his incontrovertible excellence as an historian, and his authoritative and highly readable prose'. Recent events in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet republics have since reinforced the central importance of nationalism in the history of political evolution and upheaval. This second edition has been updated in the light of those events, with a final chapter addressing the impact of the dramatic changes that have taken place. It also includes additional maps to illustrate nationalities, languages and political divisions across Europe in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

What makes people love and die for nations, as well as hate and kill in their name? While many studies have been written on nationalist political movements, the sense of nationality--the personal and cultural feeling of belonging to a nation--has not received proportionate attention. In this widely acclaimed work, Benedict Anderson examines the creation and global spread of the 'imagined communities' of nationality.

Anderson explores the processes that created these communities: the territorialization of religious faiths, the decline of antique kingship, the interaction between capitalism and print, the development of vernacular languages-of-state, and changing conceptions of time. He shows how an originary nationalism born in the Americas was modularly adopted by popular movements in Europe, by the imperialist powers, and by the anti-imperialist resistances in Asia and Africa.

This revised edition includes two new chapters, one of which discusses the complex role of the colonialist state's mindset in the develpment of Third World nationalism, while the other analyses the processes by which, all over the world, nations came to imagine themselves as old.

《利维坦的道德困境:早期现代政治哲学的问题与脉络》的正文是五个专题研究，分别针对五位早期现代政治哲学家——马基雅维里、霍布斯、斯宾诺莎、洛克和卢梭。通过这五篇研究，《利维坦的道德困境:早期现代政治哲学的问题与脉络》试图揭示一个简单的事实：包括自由主义在内的现代政治哲学从一开始就包含了某种内在的紧张。现代政治哲学的最初动因就是消除基督教世界内部宗教和世俗政治之间的冲突与对立，化解自中世纪以来直至现代早期的“神学政治危机”。

"The distinguishing thing about the paranoid style is not that its exponents see conspiracies or plots here and there in history, but that they regard a `vast' or `gigantic' conspiracy as the motive force in historical events...The paranoid spokesman sees the fate of this conspiracy in apocalyptic terms--he traffics in the birth and death of whole worlds, whole political orders, whole systems of human values. He is always manning the barricades of civilization." --From the book

在我们常人眼里，美国政制是当今天下的最佳政制。理由很简单：那里的人民生活得最为富足和自由，每个人享有充分的自然权利，国家还如此强大。即便在受过大学教育的绝大多数中国人甚至各行学者眼里，这一点也毋庸置疑。
在美国同样如此。与我们不同的是，在美国学界，从事政治哲学研究的极少数业内人士心中有数：关于美国立国原则的政治哲学探究所引发的历史性争议是非未定，以至于美国政制的德性品质是优是劣，迄今尚无定论。在我国学界，也有极少数人觉得，美国政制并非当今天下的最佳政制，却未必清楚问题究竟怎么回事。本稿尝试考察英美学界半个多世纪以来围绕美国立国原则的持续论争，以便我们对这个问题本身也有所认识。
施特劳斯学派与剑桥学派的对峙，是这场持续论争的集中体现，迄今仍是引人注目的学术大事件。施特劳斯筚路蓝缕的政治哲学史研究取向，回到苏格拉底问题从头开始，力图在古典哲学的基础上捋清整个西方政治思想史的来龙去脉，重启“古今之争”，由此切入美国政制问题。剑桥学派以倡导政治话语史研究对抗施特劳斯派的政治哲学史研究，从近代西方的革命造反精神出发，致力打造一种名为“新古典共和主义”的现代政治思想传统，挑战美国立国原则的正统解释，并在现实层面积极推动公民参与式的直接民主。奇妙的是，剑桥学派宣称，他们提倡“公民共和主义”其实是在复兴一种被历史浧埋的“古代人的自由观”，从而也是在重启“古今之争”。
无论施特劳斯学派还是剑桥学派，都不是没有大政治关切的实证式的思想史研究。晚近十五年来，这两派的主要文献已经陆续译成中文，有目共睹，却未引起学界足够关注。究竟什么是“古今之争”？美国的立国原则与“古今之争”是什么关系？我们不应该觉得这样的问题事不关己。毕竟，我们不仅置身于自己的“古今之争”，而且同样面临两种精神品质的人文学问的“选边站”，除非我们不理会随着“改革开放”的深入必然会出现的情形：“自上而下的启蒙”与“自下的政治自由”的赛跑正在加速。本稿将以施特劳斯学派与剑桥学派在解释美国立国原则的德性基础时的尖锐对立为观察点，展示双方在涉及西方政治思想史的性质、目的和方法等方面所呈现出来的精神品质差异。