本书研究了法国旧制度对文化、写作、图书出版的控制以及禁书如何在控制下的出售。作者探索了这些所谓不好的书文化与政治意义，同时介绍了三种影响极深的销售最好的禁书及其读者。本书中，作者把目光转向了出版和阅读的历史，通过对审查体制的考察来研究旧制度，并表明18世纪后半叶法国的色情、哲学和政治之间的关联。

Race for Empire offers a profound and challenging reinterpretation of nationalism, racism, and wartime mobilization during the Asia-Pacific war. In parallel case studies—of Japanese Americans mobilized to serve in the United States Army and of Koreans recruited or drafted into the Japanese military—T. Fujitani examines the U.S. and Japanese empires as they struggled to manage racialized populations while waging total war. Fujitani probes governmental policies and analyzes representations of these soldiers—on film, in literature, and in archival documents—to reveal how characteristics of racism, nationalism, capitalism, gender politics, and the family changed on both sides. He demonstrates that the United States and Japan became increasingly alike over the course of the war, perhaps most tellingly in their common attempts to disavow racism even as they reproduced it in new ways and forms.

'A magnificent, sweeping history of Asian revolutionary movements' Tony Barber, Financial Times
The story of the hidden struggle waged by secret networks around the world to destroy European imperialism
The end of Europe's empires has so often been seen as a story of high politics and warfare. In Tim Harper's remarkable new book the narrative is very different: it shows how empires were fundamentally undermined from below. Using the new technology of cheap printing presses, global travel and the widespread use of French and English, young radicals from across Asia were able to communicate in ways simply not available before. These clandestine networks stretched to the heart of the imperial metropolises: to London, to Paris, to the Americas, but also increasingly to Moscow.
They created a secret global network which was for decades engaged in bitter fighting with imperial police forces. They gathered in the great hubs of Asia - Calcutta, Singapore, Batavia, Hanoi, Tokyo, Shanghai, Canton and Hong Kong - and plotted with ceaseless ingenuity, both through persuasion and terrorism, the end of the colonial regimes. Many were caught and killed or imprisoned, but others would go on to rule their newly independent countries.
Drawing on an amazing array of new sources, Underground Asia turns upside-down our understanding of twentieth-century empire. The reader enters an extraordinary world of stowaways, false identities, secret codes, cheap firearms, assassinations and conspiracies, as young Asians made their own plans for their future.

As Adam M. McKeown demonstrates, the push for increased border control and identity documentation is the continuation of more than 150 years of globalization. Not only are modern passports and national borders inseparable from the rise of global mobility, but they are also tied to the emergence of individuals and nations as the primary sites of global power and identity.McKeown's detailed history traces how, rather than being a legacy of "traditional" forms of sovereignty, practices of border control historically rose from attempts to control Asian migration around the Pacific in the 1880s. New policies to control mobility had to be justified in the context of contemporary liberal ideas of freedom and mobility, generating principles that are taken for granted today, such as the belief that migration control is a sovereign right of receiving nations and that it should occur at a country's borders. McKeown shows how the enforcement of these border controls required migrants to be extracted from social networks of identity and reconstructed as isolated individuals within centralized filing systems. Methods for excluding Asians from full participation in the "family of civilized nations" are now the norm between all nations. These practices also helped institutionalize global cultural and economic divisions, such as East/West and First and Third World designations, which continue to shape our understanding.

A bold new history showing that the fear of Communism was a major factor in the outbreak of World War II The Spectre of War looks at a subject we thought we knew-the roots of the Second World War-and upends our assumptions with a masterful new interpretation. Looking beyond traditional explanations based on diplomatic failures or military might, Jonathan Haslam explores the neglected thread connecting them all: the fear of Communism prevalent across continents during the interwar period. Marshalling an array of archival sources, including records from the Communist International, Haslam transforms our understanding of the deep-seated origins of World War II, its conflicts, and its legacy. Haslam offers a panoramic view of Europe and northeast Asia during the 1920s and 1930s, connecting fascism's emergence with the impact of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution. World War I had economically destabilized many nations, and the threat of Communist revolt loomed large in the ensuing social unrest. As Moscow supported Communist efforts in France, Spain, China, and beyond, opponents such as the British feared for the stability of their global empire, and viewed fascism as the only force standing between them and the Communist overthrow of the existing order. The appeasement and political misreading of Nazi Germany and fascist Italy that followed held back the spectre of rebellion-only to usher in the later advent of war. Illuminating ideological differences in the decades before World War II, and the continuous role of pre- and postwar Communism, The Spectre of War provides unprecedented context for one of the most momentous calamities of the twentieth century.

Widely considered to be the most important German intellectual historian of the postwar period, Reinhart Koselleck has had a profound influence on contemporary historiography. With a new, interpretive introduction by the translator, this revised and corrected edition of Koselleck's most acclaimed work is once again available in English.With the advent of modernity in the late eighteenth-century every aspect of human life was radically transformed, including the experience of time. As the ever-accelerating pace of the modern world left people with briefer intervals of time in which to gather new experiences and adapt to social and technological changes, the demands that were placed on the future correspondingly increased. The promises of modernity -- freedom, progress, opportunity -- began to produce expectations and hopes that broke free of the present and projected utopian visions of unbounded possibility onto the future. In this provocative and erudite book, Koselleck explores the shifting perceptions and conceptions of historical time that have emerged over the past two centuries. Relying on an extraordinary array of witnesses and texts -- from politicians, philosophers, theologians, and poets to proverbs, lexica, Renaissance paintings, and the dreams of German citizens during the Third Reich -- Koselleck argues that the past and the future have become "relocated" in relation to each other, and that "history" has emerged as a new kind of temporality with distinct characteristics and ways of assimilating experience.Chronological time is generally tied to social and political actions, to the concrete experiences of human beings. Yet in reality historical events and epochsintermingle and overlap, transcending strict temporal distinctions that can be derived from physical or astronomical phenomena. In the present context of globalization -- where many cultures and perceptions become superimposed upon one another -- the modern world faces not only temporal acceleration but also historical disorientation. Koselleck believes that any given present is simultaneously a "former future" that was once defined by specific terms and ideas. By analyzing the semantics of historical time, Koselleck brings into focus the far-reaching impact that conceptions of time have on social organization, revealing that human history results as much from structure of temporal experience as from the contingencies of uncontrollable events.

What was life really like for East Germans, effectively imprisoned behind the Iron Curtain? The headline stories of Cold War spies and surveillance by the secret police, of political repression and corruption, do not tell the whole story. After the unification of Germany in 1990 many East Germans remembered their lives as interesting, varied, and full of educational, career, and leisure opportunities: in many ways 'perfectly ordinary lives'.Using the rich resources of the newly-opened GDR archives, Mary Fulbrook investigates these conflicting narratives. She explores the transformation of East German society from the ruins of Hitler's Third Reich to a modernizing industrial state. She examines changing conceptions of normality within an authoritarian political system, and provides extraordinary insights into the ways in which individuals perceived their rights and actively sought to shape their own lives.Replacing the simplistic black-and-white concept of 'totalitarianism' by the notion of a 'participatory dictatorship', this book seeks to reinstate the East German people as actors in their own history.

With the largest municipal debt in US history and a major hurricane that destroyed much of the archipelago's infrastructure, Puerto Rico has emerged as a key site for the exploration of neoliberalism and disaster capitalism. In Colonial Debts Rocío Zambrana develops the concept of neoliberal coloniality in light of Puerto Rico's debt crisis. Drawing on decolonial thought and praxis, Zambrana shows how debt functions as an apparatus of predation that transforms how neoliberalism operates. Debt functions as a form of coloniality, intensifying race, gender, and class hierarchies in ways that strengthen the colonial relationship between Puerto Rico and the United States. Zambrana also examines the transformation of protest in Puerto Rico. From La Colectiva Feminista en Construcción's actions, long-standing land rescue/occupation in the territory, to the July 2019 protests that ousted former governor Ricardo “Ricky” Rosselló, protests pursue variations of decolonial praxis that subvert the positions of power that debt installs. As Zambrana demonstrates, debt reinstalls the colonial condition and adapts the racial/gender order essential to it, thereby emerging as a key site for political-economic subversion and social rearticulation.

Soviet socialism was based on paradoxes that were revealed by the peculiar experience of its collapse. To the people who lived in that system the collapse seemed both completely unexpected and completely unsurprising. At the moment of collapse it suddenly became obvious that Soviet life had always seemed simultaneously eternal and stagnating, vigorous and ailing, bleak and full of promise. Although these characteristics may appear mutually exclusive, in fact they were mutually constitutive. This book explores the paradoxes of Soviet life during the period of “late socialism” (1960s-1980s) through the eyes of the last Soviet generation.

Focusing on the major transformation of the 1950s at the level of discourse, ideology, language, and ritual, Alexei Yurchak traces the emergence of multiple unanticipated meanings, communities, relations, ideals, and pursuits that this transformation subsequently enabled. His historical, anthropological, and linguistic analysis draws on rich ethnographic material from Late Socialism and the post-Soviet period.

The model of Soviet socialism that emerges provides an alternative to binary accounts that describe that system as a dichotomy of official culture and unofficial culture, the state and the people, public self and private self, truth and lie — and ignore the crucial fact that, for many Soviet citizens, the fundamental values, ideals, and realities of socialism were genuinely important, although they routinely transgressed and reinterpreted the norms and rules of the socialist state.

The 1793 British embassy to China, which led to Lord George Macartney’s fraught encounter with the Qianlong emperor, has often been viewed as a clash of cultures fueled by the East’s disinterest in the West. In The Perils of Interpreting, Henrietta Harrison presents a more nuanced picture, ingeniously shifting the historical lens to focus on Macartney’s two interpreters at that meeting—Li Zibiao and George Thomas Staunton. Who were these two men? How did they intervene in the exchanges that they mediated? And what did these exchanges mean for them? From Galway to Chengde, and from political intrigues to personal encounters, Harrison reassesses a pivotal moment in British-China relations. She shows that there were Chinese who were familiar with the West, but growing tensions endangered those who embraced both cultures and would eventually culminate in the Opium Wars.
Harrison demonstrates that the Qing court’s ignorance about the British did not simply happen, but was manufactured through the repression of cultural go-betweens like Li and Staunton. She traces Li’s influence as Macartney’s interpreter, the pressures Li faced in China as a result, and his later years in hiding. Staunton interpreted successfully for the British East India Company in Canton, but as Chinese anger grew against British imperial expansion in South Asia, he was compelled to flee to England. Harrison contends that in silencing expert voices, the Qing court missed an opportunity to gain insights that might have prevented a losing conflict with Britain.
Uncovering the lives of two overlooked figures, The Perils of Interpreting offers a valuable argument for cross-cultural understanding in a better-connected world.

“When this book was first published it received some attention from the critics but none at all from the public. Nazism was finished in the bunker in Berlin and its death warrant signed on the bench at Nuremberg.”
That’s Milton Mayer, writing in a foreword to the 1966 edition of They Thought They Were Free. He’s right about the critics: the book was a finalist for the National Book Award in 1956. General readers may have been slower to take notice, but over time they did—what we’ve seen over decades is that any time people, across the political spectrum, start to feel that freedom is threatened, the book experiences a ripple of word-of-mouth interest. And that interest has never been more prominent or potent than what we’ve seen in the past year.
They Thought They Were Free is an eloquent and provocative examination of the development of fascism in Germany. Mayer’s book is a study of ten Germans and their lives from 1933-45, based on interviews he conducted after the war when he lived in Germany. Mayer had a position as a research professor at the University of Frankfurt and lived in a nearby small Hessian town which he disguised with the name “Kronenberg.” “These ten men were not men of distinction,” Mayer noted, but they had been members of the Nazi Party; Mayer wanted to discover what had made them Nazis. His discussions with them of Nazism, the rise of the Reich, and mass complicity with evil became the backbone of this book, an indictment of the ordinary German that is all the more powerful for its refusal to let the rest of us pretend that our moment, our society, our country are fundamentally immune.
A new foreword to this edition by eminent historian of the Reich Richard J. Evans puts the book in historical and contemporary context. We live in an age of fervid politics and hyperbolic rhetoric. They Thought They Were Free cuts through that, revealing instead the slow, quiet accretions of change, complicity, and abdication of moral authority that quietly mark the rise of evil.

Broken Lives is a gripping account of the twentieth century as seen through the eyes of ordinary Germans who came of age under Hitler and whose lives were scarred and sometimes destroyed by what they saw and did.
Drawing on six dozen memoirs by the generation of Germans born in the 1920s, Konrad Jarausch chronicles the unforgettable stories of people who not only lived through the Third Reich, World War II, the Holocaust, and Cold War partition, but also participated in Germany's astonishing postwar recovery, reunification, and rehabilitation. Written decades after the events, these testimonies, many of them unpublished, look back on the mistakes of young people caught up in the Nazi movement. In many, early enthusiasm turns to deep disillusionment as the price of complicity with a brutal dictatorship--fighting at the front, aerial bombardment at home, murder in the concentration camps--becomes clear.
Bringing together the voices of men and women, perpetrators and victims, Broken Lives reveals the intimate human details of historical events and offers new insights about persistent questions. Why did so many Germans support Hitler through years of wartime sacrifice and Nazi inhumanity? How did they finally distance themselves from this racist dictatorship and come to embrace human rights? Jarausch argues that this generation's focus on its own suffering, often maligned by historians, ultimately led to a more critical understanding of national identity--one that helped transform Germany from a military aggressor into a pillar of European democracy.
The result is a powerful account of the everyday experiences and troubling memories of average Germans who journeyed into, through, and out of the abyss of a dark century.

Dylan Riley reconceptualizes the nature and origins of interwar fascism in this remarkable investigation of the connection between civil society and authoritarianism. From the late nineteenth century to World War I, voluntary associations exploded across Europe, especially among rural non-elites. But the development of this "civil society" did not produce liberal democracy in Italy, Spain, and Romania. Instead, Riley finds that it undermined the nascent liberal regimes in these countries and was a central cause of the rise of fascism. Developing an original synthesis of Gramsci and Tocqueville, Riley explains this surprising outcome by arguing that the development of political organizations in the three nations failed to keep pace with the proliferation of voluntary associations, leading to a crisis of political representation to which fascism developed as a response. His argument shows how different forms of fascism in Italy, Spain, and Romania arose in response to the divergent paths taken by civil society development in each nation. Presenting the seemingly paradoxical argument that the rapid development of civil society facilitated the rise of fascism in Italy, Spain, and Romania, Riley credibly challenges the notion that a strong civil society necessarily leads to the development of liberal democracy. Scholars and students interested in debates about the rise of fascism and authoritarianism, democratization, civil society, and comparative and historical methods will find his arguments compelling and his conclusions challenging.

《大故宫》为阎崇年潜心三十年之作，同名电视节目将于2012年2月24日在央视《百家讲坛》播出，为该节目重点打造的年度节目，播出时间将跨越全年。《大故宫》首次打开故宫外延，将沈阳故宫、台北故宫博物院，三山五园、避暑山庄等纳入故宫姻系，透彻解析绵延千百年的帝王族系、社会人文、文化渊源，以及建筑、文物、民风等，实为生动可读、耐人寻味的“故宫百科”。

《明亡清兴六十年》（上）是我在中国中央电视台科学·教育频道（CCTV-10）《百家讲坛》主讲系列历史讲座前半部分24讲的讲稿。讲稿有四种稿本：一是文案稿，二是录音稿，三是播出稿，四是综合稿。本书就是取前三种稿本优长而成的综合稿，稍加润色，结集出版。其后半部分《明亡清兴六十年》（下），待适当时机，再出版面世。全书讲述的时间跨度，从明万历十一年（1583年）努尔哈赤起兵，到清顺治元年（1644年）福临定都北京，其间整整60年。这60年历史的特点是四个字——“明亡清兴”：乃胜乃败，斯兴斯亡；兴亦悲壮，亡亦悲壮。为什么呢？我想起了贤哲释迦牟尼。
释家三世佛的哲学是：要用三双眼睛看世界——过去、现在、未来。这是智者的思维，也是贤者的思维。因为不了解过去，就不能科学地认知现在；而不了解现在，也就不能科学地认知未来。历史学正是认知过去的学问。所以，在文明的时代，智者应学历史，不学历史不能成为智者；贤者应学历史，不学历史不能成为贤者。那么，中国历史的江河，源远流长，曲折回漩，日夜不息，奔腾向前，为什么要选取明亡清兴这段历史来学习呢？
明亡清兴的60年，是中国历史上天崩地解、山谷陵替、格局剧变、悲欢离合的时代。在明亡清兴的历史舞台上：格局，雄伟壮阔；人物，群星灿烂；事件，繁复跌宕；故事，生动有趣。人们都在表现，也都在表演：真与假、善与伪、美与丑，智与愚、勇与怯、廉与贪。明亡清兴的60年，又是近世社会的缩影。凡是近世社会的重要元素——贫与富、夷与夏、官与民、中与西，都在这里展示；求民生、求自由、求平等、求民权，也都在这里交汇、碰撞、融合。明亡清兴的60年，亦如《尚书·大禹谟》云：“人心惟微，道心惟微。”就是说人心不安、道心不明。正义者不安其死，不义者鸡犬升天。而治国平天下，应当明道安民，道明则民安，民安则国泰。
300多年来，人们在思考：明朝何以亡？清朝何以兴？其道其理，亦显亦隐。一个人、一个群体、一支军队、一个民族，其兴衰、其成败，虽仁者见仁、智者见智，却都可以从中找到自己需要的结论和答案、经验和教训、思考和启迪、聪明和智慧。所以，每位后来人——不同年龄、不同性别、不同职业、不同阶层、不同文化、不同地域、不同民族、不同宗教、不同肤色、不同国籍，都可以从明亡清兴60年的历史中，学到宝贵的智慧并找到自己的影子。
在灿若星汉的人物中，我选取袁崇焕作为一面折射明亡清兴的历史镜子，是因为他所身历的大喜大悲：喜，惊天地；悲，泣鬼神。袁崇焕值得后人景仰的仁、智、勇、廉，及其浩然正气和爱国精神，既是其时志士仁人的典范，也是中华传统文化的精髓。30年来，我一直在研究袁崇焕，出版了《袁崇焕研究论集》、《袁崇焕资料集录》（合）、《袁崇焕传》和《袁崇焕》，多次倡议或主持袁崇焕国际学术研讨会，考察全国同袁崇焕相关的历史遗迹，及其在海外华人圈的影响。也出版了《努尔哈赤传》、《清朝通史·太祖朝》、《清朝通史·太宗朝》和《满学论集》。进而从明与清两个视角，加深了对明清之际60年历史的考察与思索。
在明亡清兴历史的背后，西方一些国家正在兴起。我们重新阅读这段历史时，应当既看到中国，又放眼世界。要避免两种认识上的误区：或持敖自矜，或过于悲观。应取的态度是：既不能盲目自大，也不可妄自菲薄；既讲求历史的科学性，又力戒历史的片面性。
真实是历史科学的生命，玄幻则是历史科学的肿瘤。历史的大众传授要深入浅出，只有深入才能浅出，否则的“浅”是浅薄；历史的大众传授要雅俗共赏，只有大雅才能大俗，否则的“俗”是庸俗。观众和读者需要的是浅明而不是浅薄，是通俗而不是庸俗。表述史学的著作忌长——能省一个字，就不多一个字。知理虽易，实行则难。一部儒家经典《大学》才1546个字，字字推敲，句句雕琢。一部《史记》太史公司马迁说它不过526500字。无论历史的学术表述，还是历史的通俗表述，有一个共同点，这就是它的真实性与科学性。
我说过，历史应当受到敬畏：为什么要“敬”？因为吸取前人经验，会得到宝贵的智慧；为什么要“畏”？因为重蹈前人错误，要受到历史的惩罚。这里补充一句：对历史的传承与表述，也应当采取敬畏的态度。
本书的旨趣在于同广大读者进行“求知、求真、求励、求愉、求鉴”的对话。
——求知，历史会提供丰富有趣的知识；
——求真，历史会提供江山风雨的真实；
——求励，历史会提供修齐励志的经验；
——求愉，历史会提供赏心丽目的愉悦；
——求鉴，历史会提供参政资治的通鉴。
我们应从明亡清兴60年的历史中，学习胜利者的智慧与修养，记住失败者的愚蠢与骄纵。

阎崇年
2006年8月8日
于四合书屋

本文以清代同治年间西北回民起义后被清政府"善后"安置在六盘山-泾河上游地区的陕西回民("陕回")为研究对象，考察一个族群的集体记忆是如何在不同的历史语境中生成的，以及实现"异乡"的文化再生的历史过程。

In this study of the Lit de Justice assembly, Sarah Hanley draws on history, legend, ritual, and discourse to show how constitutional ideologies were propagated in the Grand-chambre of the Parlement of Paris during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Originally published in 1983. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

成功改造的旧警察 | 身败名裂的团支书 | 提心吊胆的大夫 | 疗养院里的“反革命”
自甘“堕落”的青年教师 | 爱讲怪话的文化教员 | “搞关系”的业务员 | “特嫌”缠身的技师
本书关注的是让人印象深刻的“边缘人”群体，他们很普通，人数很多，经历大多坎坷而复杂。杨奎松教授以八个出身、地域、职业、经历各不相同的“问题人物”为个案，重构他们的人生经历，从最贴近的距离，观察和体验那个时代的政治生态对普通人的影响。

《忍不住的"关怀":1949年前后的书生与政治》内容简介：对于20世纪中国的知识分子来说，一个最大的历史悲剧就是，他们是最早投身于救国救民的一群人，自认为最了解政治大势，最后却在政治场中最不知所措、动辄得咎、受人轻视。
《忍不住的"关怀":1949年前后的书生与政治》讨论的三人，一位是燕京大学哲学教授张东荪，长期浸淫于政治活动之中，1949年后曾官居政务院委员；一位是报人王芸生，擅长政治评论，多年担任《大公报》主笔；一位是清华教授潘光旦，理科出身，对政治外行却一样曾积极想要为中国政治建言。三人在1949年以前都曾经在不同领域有过出色表现，1949年以后却先后遭遇滑铁卢，人生事业从此一蹶不振。
杨奎松教授不满足于像过去一样笼统地发出质问：为什么中国大陆的知识分子当年竟会停止思想，集体转向？因为随着越来越多的私人记录以及各种报刊、档案文献披露出来，他发现，事情并非那样简单。

本书选择了明清嬗代过程为论述对象，从政治、经济、文化、社会、民族诸多方面进行剖析，揭示帝国秩序崩解与重建的过程等。据美国加利福尼亚大学出版社1985年版译出。