Popular perceptions of a state's legitimacy are inextricably bound to its ability to rule. Vast military and material reserves cannot counter the power of a citizen's belief, and the more widespread the crisis of a state's legitimacy, the greater the threat to its stability. Even such established democracies as France and India are losing their moral claims over society, while such highly illiberal states as China and Iran enjoy strong showings of public support. Through a remarkable fusion of empirical research and theory, Bruce Gilley makes clear the link between political consent and political rule. Fixing a definition of legitimacy that is both general and particular, he is able to study the role of legitimacy as it has been maintained and lost in a diverse selection of societies. He begins by detailing the origins of state legitimacy and the methods governments have used to wield it best. He then considers the habits of less successful states, exploring how the process works across different styles of government. Gilley's unique approach merges a broad study of legitimacy and performance in seventy-two states with a detailed empirical analysis of the mechanisms of legitimation. The results are tested on a case study of Uganda, a country that, after 1986, began to recover from decades of civil war. Considering a range of explanations of other domestic and international phenomena as well, Gilley ultimately argues that, because of its evident real-world importance, legitimacy should occupy a central place in political analysis.

This is a collection of scholarly essays on state, society and politics in the Third World, with cases drawn from Africa, the Middle East, Asia, and Latin America. The introductory chapter outlines the theoretical approach of the contributors and the concluding chapter summarizes the importance of their studies and the contribution of the volume to general theory in comparative politics. The book is relevant to the growing state theory literature in the social sciences and it puts forward a state-in-society approach to the study of political development.

Blending political, historical, and sociological analysis, Bernard S. Silberman offers a provocative explanation for the bureaucratic development of the modern state. The study of modern state bureaucracy has its origins in Max Weber's analysis of the modes of social domination, which Silberman takes as his starting point.
Whereas Weber contends that the administration of all modern nation-states would eventually converge in one form characterized by rationality and legal authority, Silberman argues that the process of bureaucratic rationalization took, in fact, two courses. One path is characterized by permeable organizational boundaries and the allocation of information by "professionals." The other features well-defined boundaries and the allocation of information by organizational rules. Through case studies of France, Japan, the United States, and Great Britain, Silberman demonstrates that this divergence stems from differences in leadership structure and in levels of uncertainty about leadership succession in the nineteenth century.
Silberman concludes that the rise of bureacratic rationality was primarily a response to political problems rather than social and economic concerns. Cages of Reason demonstrates how rationalization can have occurred over a wide range of cultures at various levels of economic development. It will be of considerable interest to readers in a number of disciplines: political science, sociology, history, and public administration.
"Silberman has produced an invaluable, densely packed work that those with deep knowledge of public administrative development will find extremely rewarding." —David H. Rosenbloom, American Political Science Review
"An erudite, incisive, and vibrant book, the product of intensive study and careful reflection. Given its innovative theoretical framework and the wealth of historical materials contained in it, this study will generate debate and stimulate research in sociology, political science, and organizational theory. It is undoubtedly the best book on the comparative evolution of the modern state published in the last decade."—Mauro F. Guillen, Contemporary Sociology

Margaret Levi's wide-ranging theoretical and historical study demonstrates the importance of political relative to economic factors in accounting for revenue production policies.

Challenging prevailing theories of development and labor, Gay Seidman's controversial study explores how highly politicized labor movements could arise simultaneously in Brazil and South Africa, two starkly different societies. Beginning with the 1960s, Seidman shows how both authoritarian states promoted specific rapid-industrialization strategies, in the process reshaping the working class and altering relationships between business and the state. When economic growth slowed in the 1970s, workers in these countries challenged social and political repression; by the mid-1980s, they had become major voices in the transition from authoritarian rule. Based in factories and working-class communities, these movements enjoyed broad support as they fought for improved social services, land reform, expanding electoral participation, and racial integration. In Brazil, Seidman takes us from the shopfloor, where disenfranchized workers organized for better wages and working conditions, to the strikes and protests that spread to local communities. Similar demands for radical change emerged in South Africa, where community groups in black townships joined organized labor in a challenge to minority rule that linked class consciousness to racial oppression. Seidman details the complex dynamics of these militant movements and develops a broad analysis of how newly industrializing countries shape the opportunities for labor to express demands. Her work will be welcomed by those interested in labor studies, social theory, and the politics of newly industrializing regions.

In the study of civil society and social movements, most cases are based in Western Europe and North America. These two areas of the world have similar histories and political ideals and structures in common which in turn, affect the structure of its civil society. In studying civil society in Asia, a different understanding of history, politics, and society is needed. The region’s long traditions of centralized, authoritarian states buttressed by Confucian and in some cases Communist ideologies may render this concept irrelevant.
The chapters in this international volume cover most of the areas and countries traditionally defined as belonging to East Asia: Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong, Singapore and China. The case studies included in this volume confront the utility of using the Western concept of civil society, represented in its most active form – social movements – to think about East Asia popular politics. Along with providing an array of important case studies of social movements in East Asia, the introduction, chapters and conclusion in the book take up three major theoretical questions:
the effect of the East Asian cultural, social and institutional context upon the mobilization, activities and outcomes of social movements in that region,
the role of social movements in larger transformative processes,
utility of Western social movement concepts in explaining social movements in East Asia.
This book will be of interest to two major groups of readers, those who study East Asia and those who pursue social movements and civil society, as well as politics more generally.
From the Back Cover
In the study of civil society and social movements, most cases are based in Western Europe and North America. These two areas of the world have similar histories and political ideals and structures in common which in turn, affect the structure of its civil society. In studying civil society in Asia, a different understanding of history, politics, and society is needed. The region’s long traditions of centralized, authoritarian states buttressed by Confucian and in some cases Communist ideologies may render this concept irrelevant.
The chapters in this international volume cover most of the areas and countries traditionally defined as belonging to East Asia: Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong, Singapore and China. The case studies included in this volume confront the utility of using the Western concept of civil society, represented in its most active form – social movements – to think about East Asia popular politics. Along with providing an array of important case studies of social movements in East Asia, the introduction, chapters and conclusion in the book take up three major theoretical questions:
the effect of the East Asian cultural, social and institutional context upon the mobilization, activities and outcomes of social movements in that region
the role of social movements in larger transformative processes
utility of Western social movement concepts in explaining social movements in East Asia.
This book will be of interest to two major groups of readers, those who study East Asia and those who pursue social movements and civil society, as well as politics more generally.

In this collection of essays, Theda Skocpol, author of the award-winning book States and Social Revolutions (1979), updates her arguments about social revolutions. How are we to understand recent revolutionary upheavals in countries across the globe? Why have social revolutions happened in some countries, but not in others that seem similar? Skocpol shows how she and other scholars have used ideas about states and societies to identify the particular types of regimes that are susceptible to the growth of revolutionary movements and vulnerable to transfers of state power to revolutionary challengers. Skocpol engages in thoughtful dialogue with critics, and she suggests how culture and ideology can properly be incorporated into historical and comparative studies. She also vigorously defends the value of an institutionalist, comparative and historical approach against recent challenges from Marxists, rational choice theorists, and culturally oriented interpreters of particular revolutions.

Why did some Latin American labor-based parties adapt successfully to the contemporary challenges of neoliberalism and working class decline while others did not? Drawing on a detailed study of the Argentine Peronism, as well as a broader comparative analysis, this book develops an organizational approach to party change. Levitsky's study breaks new ground in its focus on informal and weakly institutionalized party structures. It argues that loosely structured party organizations, such as those found in many populist labor-based parties, are often better equipped to adapt to rapid environmental change than are more bureaucratic labor-based parties. The argument is illustrated in the case of Peronism, a mass labor-based party with a highly fluid internal structure. The book shows how this weakly routinized structure allowed party reformers to undertake a set of far-reached coalitional and programmatic changes that enabled Peronism to survive, and even thrive, in the neoliberal era.

The book considers the past accomplishments and future agendas of comparative-historical research in the social sciences. It defines the distinctiveness of this type of research and explores its strengths in explaining important outcomes (e.g. revolutions, social provision, democracy) in the world. It includes sections on substantive research accomplishments, methodology, and theory, and features essays by some of the most important political scientists and sociologists currently working.
This review of the accomplishments and future agendas of comparative historical research in the social sciences explores its strengths in explaining important worldwide outcomes (e.g., revolutions, social provision, democracy). It includes sections on substantive research accomplishments, methodology, and theory, and features essays by some of the most important political scientists and sociologists currently working.

本书通过比较东西方两个相似历史时段，即秦国统一前的春秋战国时期和拿破仑征服欧洲失败前的时期，提出了一个关于世界政治的动态理论，分别利用古代中国和近代早期欧洲的历史检验了动态理论，集中关注了该理论对国家形成的意义，强调了国际关系学与比较政治学的不可分割，并从动态理论的角度对世界政治转型进行了思考。
译者序
中文版前言
致谢
第一章 世界政治的动态理论
第二章 春秋战国时期的国际政治动力学
第三章 反思近代早期欧洲的国际政治动力学
第四章 国家形成和转型的动力学
第五章 结论与意义
附录一 近代早期欧洲（1495-1915年）有大国卷入的战争一览表
附录二 春秋战国时期（公元前656-前221年）有大国卷入的战争一览表
附录三 有大国卷入的战争一览表的操作标准
附录四 中国历史年表
参考文献

◎一部20世纪阴暗面史书
◎韦伯之后最伟大的社会学家迈克尔·曼重塑对历史的理解
◎充满挑衅的现代民主新理论
◎凶残的种族清洗为何是现代民主的丑恶面？
当同一片领土上，两个对立的种族民族主义组织都声称自己拥有国家主权时，危险产生了；当弱势的一方由于外部的支援而不愿屈服、选 择战斗，或者强势的一方认为自己能够骤然展 开锐不可当的武力行动时，冲突便升级了……行动升级并不只是“邪恶的精英”或者“未开化的民族”的杰作，它同样产生于领袖、激进分子以及种族民族主义的“核心拥护者”之间的复杂互动。
曼的解读聚焦于社会中的政治权力关系，令人信服地阐明了种族清洗的源头及升级过程，有助于避免悲剧再次发生。
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媒体及专家推荐——
√ 迈克尔·曼是宏伟思想的多产者，这本巨著中天才、雄辩和发人深思的内容俯拾皆是。从书名开始，本书就引发了一场争论，它借助人类历史上最好的，来重塑我们对人类历史中最坏方面的理解，借助现代的观点来重塑我们对古老历史的理解。曼将缜密的实证研究与对观念的权威掌控结合在一起。字里行间都有值得称赞、讨论或深思的观点。对它的讨论仍将持续多年。
——本·基曼（Ben Kiernan），耶鲁大学种族灭绝研究项目主任
√ 社会学术语全无，历史大数据充足，这份研究为外行读者开辟了足够的通道。
——《出版人周刊》（Publishers Weekly）
√ 内容有如百科全书，叙述分析异常丰富，本书为政治社会学作出了重大贡献，对社会科学学者、政治领导人、政策制定者而言，这都是必读之作。
——《选择》（Choice）
√ 在这本重要而充满挑衅性的书中，这位杰出的社会学家曼提出，凶残的种族清洗事实上是我们现代民主时代的丑恶一面，“它属于我们的文明，属于我们自身”……在种族清洗这个领域，曼的阐释绝非定论，但已跻身最成熟深刻作品之列。
——《外交事务》 （Foreign Affairs）
√ 曼的书为研究残忍的种族清洗做了十分有价值的贡献。他大范围地聚合了各种观点和亲历者讲述，这种能力使他的努力适时且值得，因而这对任何研究或处理种族冲突方面问题的人都非常有用。另外一个值得称道的地方是，曼的这本书到达了一种层次，它能同时满足他的同代人和学生们的好奇心，而这也必然会激起更多的对这一论题的探询。
——《东南欧政治期刊》（Southeast European Politics）
√《民主的阴暗面》……是一本强大的书，在某种程度上成功地引出了一套阐释这些悲惨事件的宏伟社会学理论……曼的作品代表了当代历史社会学的最高水平——广博、论据充足、富有趣味、密切关乎当下——所有的读者都必定会对他的结论满怀敬意……
——《泰晤士报高等教育增刊》（The Times Higher Education Supplement）
√这是一本非常重要的书……曼拿出了一份有力的分析，足以引人深思……如今，种族清洗这个问题已经成了媒体菜单中的一个稳定部分，每个关注种族清洗的人都应该去读这本书。
——《英国社会犯罪学》（British Society of Criminology）
√ 迈克尔•曼的《民主的阴暗面》这一令人印象深刻的作品，使人们向着阐明造成如此后果的具体社会研究和社会状况前进了一大步……这是一份巨大的成就。
——《新左翼评论》（New Left Review）
√ 在《民主的阴暗面》中，曼审视了民主化与种族清洗之间的密切关系……与多数其他社会学家不同，曼并不爱用术语。即便这本书很厚重，但所有抱着非学术想法、并耗费精力去读这本书的人，都会觉得物有所值。
——《新闻日报》 （News Day）
√ 迈克尔•曼的新著涉猎甚广、立论大胆。它的核心主题——残忍的种族清洗伴随着救世宗教与近代民主的诞生而来——与人们普遍的观点截然相反……近年来在该主题上最好的著作之一。
——贝思·A. 西蒙斯（Beth A. Simmons），哈佛大学
√ 尽管我对曼的理论有所保留，但这部作品明显是重要的。而且，他构成了本书大部分内容的案例研究，叙述清晰，细节丰富，而且优秀到足以令人生畏。作为一部20世纪阴暗面史书，《民主的阴暗面》很难被打败。
——乔治•希尔拉巴（George Scialabba） 著名书评人 《波士顿环球报》（Boston Globe）