Why did American workers, unlike their European counterparts, fail to forge a class-based movement to pursue broad social reform? Was it simply that they lacked class consciousness and were more interested in personal mobility? In a richly detailed survey of labor law and labor history, William Forbath challenges this notion of American "individualism." In fact, he argues, the nineteenth-century American labor movement was much like Europe's labor movements in its social and political outlook, but in the decades around the turn of the century, the prevailing attitude of American trade unionists changed. Forbath shows that, over time, struggles with the courts and the legal order were crucial to reshaping labor's outlook, driving the labor movement to temper its radical goals.

A comprehensive study of the ideas and practice of the French Labour Movement between 1900 and 1914. Part one sets the syndicalist movement against its historical background, pointing to the forces which helped to shape the attitudes of the French worker, French political culture, economic developments, the influence of earlier socialist and anarchist thinkers and the failure of parliamentary democracy. The central section examines in detail the ideological development of the French Labour Movement during the syndicalist phase. As Professor Ridley points out, syndicalist ideas are interesting in their own right as part of the history of socialist thought but also because many of them are echoed today by supporters of the 'extra-parliamentary opposition'. There are obvious parallels too, between the 'direct action' of syndicalism and the tactics of present-day movements. In a final section professor Ridley discusses syndicalism in the wider political and ideological context of its time, taking into account the development of the inter-war years.

* Winner of the C. Wright Mills Award of the Society for the Study of Social Problems and the Distinguished Scholarly Publication Award of the American Sociological Association
In a dazzling new interpretation of four hundred years of modern French history, Charles Tilly focuses not on kings and courtiers but on the common people of village and farm buffeted by the inexorable advance of large-scale capitalism and the consolidation of a powerful nation-state. Tilly, author of The Vend�e and many other books, chooses the contention of the masses as his medium in painting this vivid picture of the people's growing ability and willingness to fight injustice, challenge exploitation, and claim their own place in the hierarchy of power.
Contention is not necessarily disorder. The more we look at contention, says Tilly, the more we discover order created by the rooting of collective action in everyday social life through a continuous process of signaling, negotiation, and struggle. In seventeenth-century France, ordinary people did not know how to demonstrate, rally, or strike, but they had standard procedures for expelling a tax collector, undermining a corrupt official, and shaming moral offenders. By the end of the eighteenth century, French people were experimenting with delegations, public meetings, and popular justice. Through the nineteenth century, with the growth of an industrial proletariat, they developed an extensive repertoire of strikes, demonstrations, and direct attacks on landlords and capitalists, as well as conflicts setting worker against worker. In the twentieth century, scenarios of protest expanded to even larger-scale forms such as mass meetings, electoral campaigns, and broad-based social movements.
Rather than arguing these developments in the abstract, The Contentious French provides lively descriptions of real events, with pauses to make sense of their patterns. The result is a view of politics with the common struggle for power at its core and the changing structure of power as its envelope.
The Contentious French is bound to be controversial, and therefore required reading for specialists in European history, social movements, and collective action. Its fresh approach will also appeal to students and general readers.

During the first decade of the twenty-first century, worker resistance in China increased rapidly despite the fact that certain segments of the state began moving in a pro-labor direction. In explaining this, Eli Friedman argues that the Chinese state has become hemmed in by an “insurgency trap” of its own devising and is thus unable to tame expansive worker unrest. Labor conflict in the process of capitalist industrialization is certainly not unique to China and indeed has appeared in a wide array of countries around the world. What is distinct in China, however, is the combination of postsocialist politics with rapid capitalist development.
Other countries undergoing capitalist industrialization have incorporated relatively independent unions to tame labor conflict and channel insurgent workers into legal and rationalized modes of contention. In contrast, the Chinese state only allows for one union federation, the All China Federation of Trade Unions, over which it maintains tight control. Official unions have been unable to win recognition from workers, and wildcat strikes and other forms of disruption continue to be the most effective means for addressing workplace grievances. In support of this argument, Friedman offers evidence from Guangdong and Zhejiang provinces, where unions are experimenting with new initiatives, leadership models, and organizational forms.

How do social movements die? Some explanations highlight internal factors like factionalization, whereas others stress external factors like repression. Christian Davenport offers an alternative explanation where both factors interact. Drawing on organizational, as well as individual-level, explanations, Davenport argues that social movement death is the outgrowth of a coevolutionary dynamic whereby challengers, influenced by their understanding of what states will do to oppose them, attempt to recruit, motivate, calm, and prepare constituents while governments attempt to hinder all of these processes at the same time. Davenport employs a previously unavailable database that contains information on a black nationalist/secessionist organization, the Republic of New Africa, and the activities of authorities in the U.S. city of Detroit and state and federal authorities.

The essays in this volume present the view that such collective actions as riots, protests, strikes and rebellions are coherent, if often unsuccessful attempts by working class people to defend or advance well-defined interests. Using as examples a series of case studies from 18th, 19th and 20th century Europe, the contributors present a new perspective on worker reactions to the strategies of the elite.

Challenging prevailing theories of development and labor, Gay Seidman's controversial study explores how highly politicized labor movements could arise simultaneously in Brazil and South Africa, two starkly different societies. Beginning with the 1960s, Seidman shows how both authoritarian states promoted specific rapid-industrialization strategies, in the process reshaping the working class and altering relationships between business and the state. When economic growth slowed in the 1970s, workers in these countries challenged social and political repression; by the mid-1980s, they had become major voices in the transition from authoritarian rule. Based in factories and working-class communities, these movements enjoyed broad support as they fought for improved social services, land reform, expanding electoral participation, and racial integration. In Brazil, Seidman takes us from the shopfloor, where disenfranchized workers organized for better wages and working conditions, to the strikes and protests that spread to local communities. Similar demands for radical change emerged in South Africa, where community groups in black townships joined organized labor in a challenge to minority rule that linked class consciousness to racial oppression. Seidman details the complex dynamics of these militant movements and develops a broad analysis of how newly industrializing countries shape the opportunities for labor to express demands. Her work will be welcomed by those interested in labor studies, social theory, and the politics of newly industrializing regions.

In the study of civil society and social movements, most cases are based in Western Europe and North America. These two areas of the world have similar histories and political ideals and structures in common which in turn, affect the structure of its civil society. In studying civil society in Asia, a different understanding of history, politics, and society is needed. The region’s long traditions of centralized, authoritarian states buttressed by Confucian and in some cases Communist ideologies may render this concept irrelevant.
The chapters in this international volume cover most of the areas and countries traditionally defined as belonging to East Asia: Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong, Singapore and China. The case studies included in this volume confront the utility of using the Western concept of civil society, represented in its most active form – social movements – to think about East Asia popular politics. Along with providing an array of important case studies of social movements in East Asia, the introduction, chapters and conclusion in the book take up three major theoretical questions:
the effect of the East Asian cultural, social and institutional context upon the mobilization, activities and outcomes of social movements in that region,
the role of social movements in larger transformative processes,
utility of Western social movement concepts in explaining social movements in East Asia.
This book will be of interest to two major groups of readers, those who study East Asia and those who pursue social movements and civil society, as well as politics more generally.
From the Back Cover
In the study of civil society and social movements, most cases are based in Western Europe and North America. These two areas of the world have similar histories and political ideals and structures in common which in turn, affect the structure of its civil society. In studying civil society in Asia, a different understanding of history, politics, and society is needed. The region’s long traditions of centralized, authoritarian states buttressed by Confucian and in some cases Communist ideologies may render this concept irrelevant.
The chapters in this international volume cover most of the areas and countries traditionally defined as belonging to East Asia: Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong, Singapore and China. The case studies included in this volume confront the utility of using the Western concept of civil society, represented in its most active form – social movements – to think about East Asia popular politics. Along with providing an array of important case studies of social movements in East Asia, the introduction, chapters and conclusion in the book take up three major theoretical questions:
the effect of the East Asian cultural, social and institutional context upon the mobilization, activities and outcomes of social movements in that region
the role of social movements in larger transformative processes
utility of Western social movement concepts in explaining social movements in East Asia.
This book will be of interest to two major groups of readers, those who study East Asia and those who pursue social movements and civil society, as well as politics more generally.

The aim of this book is to highlight and begin to give 'voice' to some of the notable 'silences' evident in recent years in the study of contentious politics. The seven co-authors take up seven specific topics in the volume: the relationship between emotions and contention; temporality in the study of contention; the spatial dimensions of contention; leadership in contention; the role of threat in contention; religion and contention; and contention in the context of demographic and life-course processes. The seven spent three years involved in an ongoing project designed to take stock, and attempt a partial synthesis, of various literatures that have grown up around the study of non-routine or contentious politics. As such, it is likely to be viewed as a groundbreaking volume that not only undermines conventional disciplinary understanding of contentious politics, but also lays out a number of provocative new research agendas.

In this collection of essays, Theda Skocpol, author of the award-winning book States and Social Revolutions (1979), updates her arguments about social revolutions. How are we to understand recent revolutionary upheavals in countries across the globe? Why have social revolutions happened in some countries, but not in others that seem similar? Skocpol shows how she and other scholars have used ideas about states and societies to identify the particular types of regimes that are susceptible to the growth of revolutionary movements and vulnerable to transfers of state power to revolutionary challengers. Skocpol engages in thoughtful dialogue with critics, and she suggests how culture and ideology can properly be incorporated into historical and comparative studies. She also vigorously defends the value of an institutionalist, comparative and historical approach against recent challenges from Marxists, rational choice theorists, and culturally oriented interpreters of particular revolutions.

序論：台灣環境運動二十歲
在1986年的春天，鹿港小鎮籠罩在一團未知的恐懼之中。在政府的極力爭取下，美國杜邦公司決定在中台灣設置二氧化鈦工廠。對於官員而言，這項投資案一方面可以解決閒置以久的彰濱工業區，另一方面也可以提振自從1984年勞基法施行以來的低迷景氣。他們有理由相信，鹿港居民也會樂見跨國工業的進駐，以及就業機會與土地價值的提升，就如同二十餘年前，鄰近的彰化市民以舞龍舞獅的方式來迎接台灣化纖公司的設廠。樂觀的官員萬萬沒有想到，鹿港居民在新任鎮長的帶領下，發起了一波又一波綿密的反對運動，他們要求保存一個自己所熟悉的鹿港——一個香火鼎盛、生意活絡的濱海小鎮，而不是煙囪陰影下的工業城。
在六○年代中期，台化彰化廠正式開工，附近的農民開始發現自己的農田再也長不出結實飽滿的稻穗，因為工廠污水破壞了肥沃的土地。彰化市民失去了新鮮的空氣，長期的廢氣排放除了引發撲鼻的不適，也導致了各種看得見與看不見的呼吸道病變。隔著大肚溪，從台中南下的旅客可以遠眺籠罩在彰化上空的混淆空氣；一進入了市區，龐大而醜陋的工廠廠房也是迎接他們的第一個景象。二十年來，彰化居民早就知道在繁榮地方的承諾背後，現代工廠往往隱藏了各種健康、財富的代價。鹿港人見證鄰居二十年來的教訓，他們堅決主張，同樣的故事情節不能再發生自己的家鄉。為了反對杜邦設廠，他們發動遊行、北上請願、舉行演講、串連其他公害受害地區、組織反公害協會、發行宣傳刊物、動員學童繪製反公害壁報等等。換言之，鹿港居民創造出一個未曾存在過的事物，亦即是本土的環境運動。經過了一年多的努力，大衛終於戰勝巨人哥利亞，杜邦公司決定放棄彰濱設廠計劃。這項未意料到的勝利宣告台灣環境運動春天的到來。
從鹿港起義到政黨輪替後的第六年，我們又經歷了整整二十年。在這段期間，環境運動的風潮蔓延到台灣各個角落。無論關於工業污染、焚化爐、道路、水庫、國家公園、行動電話基地台等環境議題，許多社區都經歷了大大小小的集體行動。在要求改善環境的強烈民意下，環保署成立了，公害糾紛調處、環境影響評估、禁用免費塑膠袋、廚餘回收等一系列的制度開始實施。在二十年前，黨外人士宣稱與鹿港人民站在一起，他們試圖吸納這一股來自草根的反叛勢力；在二十年後，他們已經高居國家廟堂，在民進黨執政下，有兩位環保署長是來自於當初積極鼓吹環境意識的知識份子。事實上，早在台獨運動轉向公投路線之前，二十年前的鹿港反對人士已經在倡導鎮民自決。在接連的環境運動動員下，公投逐漸從政治異端轉變成為一項體制內的民主機制。
環境運動除了帶來結構性的衝擊，也在許多人的生命歷程中留下了不可抹滅的印記。二十年前，大學生開始下鄉調查各地蜂起的反公害抗爭，校園的社會參與不再是侷限於七○年代的「農村服務」、「山地服務」，進而轉變成為貨真價實的社會運動。九○年代以降台北街頭的年度反核遊行，也曾經是許多青年的政治啟蒙第一堂課，理想主義的認同也促使其中的一些人選擇了社會運動作為他們的生涯。一位知名的文化評論者第一篇投稿報社的文章就是為了聲援核四公投，另一位反核運動者選擇了在有反核聖地之稱的貢寮拍攝他們的婚紗照。當然也有人因此而付出昂貴的代價，在1991年一○○三貢寮事件之後，林順源已經花蓮監獄待了十五個年頭，他無法親身經歷後來反核動員的高漲與廢核的頓挫。
在這二十年來，環境運動被觀察者賦與不同的名稱。環境運動是「社會力」，因為它代表了一股獨立於政治權力與經濟資本的反對力量。環境運動是「民間社會」，不滿的人民挑戰了威權控制。環境運動也是「公民社會」，因為它創造了另一種公民之間相互連結的可能性。對於其抨擊者而言，環境運動代表著一股盲目、不理性、不信任專業的「民粹主義」，一位國民黨籍的經濟部長就將環境抗爭比喻成為「吸食安非他命」。無論是被推崇或是被指責，被期許或是被畏懼，環境運動即是一種強而有力的潮流，深刻地重新形塑了台灣的社會圖像。
該是還給環境運動原本風貌的時候了，這一本書將環境運動視為一種追求環境正義的集體行動。環境運動並不只是美化生活、保護自然，而是要求公平分配資源、承認弱勢群體生活方式、共同參與環境決策，換言之，環境運動終極目標是環境正義的落實。在過去的二十年，這種追求綠色民主的渴望展現出巨大的政治動員能量，也與既有的體制產生激烈的抗衡。環境運動的興起意味著台灣政治民主化的深層批判，他們強烈地質問，到底新民主政權如何看待環境受害者？對於越來越自我安逸化的民主派人士，環境正義的呼籲不外乎是嗡嗡作響的牛虻，不斷地提醒我們那份未完成的民主化志業。本書追溯環境運動的歷史軌跡，從解嚴前的初步萌芽到政黨輪替之後的轉型。三個主要的質問引導本書的章節寫作：環境運動是起源何種歷史脈絡？在威權到民主的鉅變之中，環境運動扮演了何種的角色？那些道路可以通往環境的民主化？從起源到未來，本書期待能夠紀錄環境運動在台灣的驚異航程，並且透過其故事，理解台灣整體變遷的歷程。
許多熱血青年相信，詮釋歷史遠不如創造歷史更為重要，但是儘管如此，在若干時候，詮釋歷史的工作也是有迫切需要的，有待知識界的積極投入。在經歷了解嚴、民主革命、政黨輪替之後，台灣的政治景象產生了劇烈的變動。在二十年前，鹿港居民用偷襲的方式，在當時仍叫做介壽路的總統府廣場進行陳情，他們的和平行動沒有進行多久就被軍警勸離；在二十年後，在凱達格蘭大道上比較常見的場面是揮舞國旗、高喊打倒台獨的群眾，國民黨中央黨部儼然成為他們的前進指揮所。迅速而根本性的變革迫使我們需要一直拋棄既有的參考座標，隨時適應新到來的時代。就如同一趟需要不斷在各個時區轉機的旅程，到最後每一個當地時間都變得那麼不真實，缺乏意義。無論是有意的或無心的，遺忘成為許多人面對過去最好的方式。因此，在這個急劇變遷所塑造的失憶社會中，歷史的詮釋成為不可或缺的集體治療。
在劇烈的社會變動下，知識界也會感染一股參與的熱忱，積極投入創造歷史的活動，也就使得詮釋的工作被擱置了。在時代的集體亢奮下，詮釋歷史成為森林裏那一條比較少人走過的路。因此，儘管台灣的社會研究在過去十餘年來有長足的進步，但是至今對於許多重要問題仍缺乏完整的研究結論。就以社會運動為例，台灣有一本八○年代學運史，但是卻沒有關於九○年代的專著。筆者唯一可以找到關於1990年三月學運的期刊論文，是由外國學者所寫的。在勞工運動方面，工運團體所出版的著作還比學術界還多。事實上，仍有更多的社運故事乃未被紀錄下來。
越是在劇變的年代中，詮釋者往往被迫接受「意外」的發展，修正以往的詮釋方式。換言之，不同詮釋方式的鬥爭是研究者所需要獨自面對的事實。這一本書是延續筆者在2000年完成的博士論文研究。在取得博士學位的同時，台灣的政權也產生史無前例的和平轉移。在當時，我是以國家與市民社會的角度來詮釋1980-1998年間的環境運動演進。但是面對政黨輪替的變局，我卻發現自己完全無法預測民進黨上台之後的發展，我沒有料想到廢核改革的挫敗、種種反制運動的興起，乃至於民進黨政府的保守化。事實上，我也懷疑有任何人可以預見政黨輪替之後的種種演變。在1999年，一位反核人士曾告訴我，要終止核四有三種可能，分別是民進黨贏得總統選舉，民進黨取得國會過半，公投法立法通過。結果已經有兩個條件實現了，但是核四廠依舊繼續興建。黑格爾所說，歷史給人們的唯一教訓就是人們無法從歷史學到任何教訓。從另一個角度來看，這句話並不一定是感嘆人類的盲目，而強強調歷史本身的無法預測性。這亦即是說，歷史詮釋者永遠只能依賴後見之明，而且他們隨時需要有心理準備，接受後續發展所帶來的挑戰。
除了第二章、第四章、第五章以外，大部分的章節則是在筆者博士論文之後才撰寫的。若干章節曾在學術期刊中發表過，第二章修改自「台灣環境運動的開端」，《台灣社會學》(2001)。第三章修改自“Protest as Community Revival”，African and Asian Studies (2005b)。第五章修改自「政治民主化與環境運動的制度化」，《台灣社會研究季刊》(2003c)。第六章修改自“Weakened State and Social Movement”，Journal of Contemporary China (2005a)。第七章修改自「自主與依賴」，《台灣社會學刊》(2003b)。第八章修改自「為何民進黨政府的廢核政策失敗」，《台灣政治學刊》(2002a)。
呈現在這一本書的材料，有不少曾經在各種研討會的場合中宣讀過，我感謝林宗弘、林益仁、林國明、范雲、張茂桂、張高傑、張鐵志、陳志柔、陳東升、陳俊宏、黃長玲、董建宏、劉華真、鄭力軒、James Jasper、Jeff Goodwin等人寶貴意見。針對本書的初稿，群學出版社的兩位匿名審查者、王金壽、林宗弘、柯志明、陳兆勇、黃于玲、黃崇憲、詹筱勻等學界的師長與朋友，提供了許多具有洞見的批判。這些建議使我獲益良多，但是我也必得要承認，自己無法完全滿足他們對於這一本書的各種期待。其中，不少意見是超越筆者目前的能力範圍，我將牢牢記住這些想法，希望下一本書能有更好的突破。此外，王崇穎、張國偉、陳麗如、曾子旂、黃郁軒、蔡佳憓、蔡璧娟、顏妙娟等助理的各項協助，也是不可或缺的，在此一併致謝。在寫作過程中，我也獲得了諸多環境運動界朋友的幫忙。他們不只是慷慨地惠賜我訪談的機會，在許多時候，他們的想法也激發了我更多的靈感。作為一個純粹的學院觀察者，我很欽佩他們對於台灣綠色民主志業的投入，也祝福他們的努力能有更好的回報。
我要特別感謝蕭新煌老師的長期鼓勵，從學生時期到我來嘉義教書，他一直很寬容我的各種想法。當我告知他這一本書要出版時，他很爽快地答應給我一篇序言。我很佩服群學出版社的劉鈐佑總編對於社會學的熱忱與投入，他不厭其煩地提醒我，寫書是要要採取更宏觀的視野。每次與他在陽台上抽煙聊天，我都受益良多。這五年來，南華大學的師生等於是我在南部的家人。他們樂情地接納了我，毫不吝嗇地支持我，無論是在桌球場、排球場、錢櫃KTV、釣蝦場、或是劍湖山世界。其中，我要特別感謝蘇峰山學長的美食、美酒與比白天更美麗的夜晚時光。最後，我也要向淑鈴說一聲謝謝。她說得對，只有她才能完全接納我的個性，也因此，我是一個幸福的人。
2006年二二八
馬里蘭州College Park

Social movement studies have grown enormously in the last few decades, spreading from sociology and political science to other fields of knowledge, as varied as geography, history, anthropology, psychology, economics, law and others. With the growing interest in the field, there has been also an increasing need for methodological guidance for empirical research. This volume addresses this need by introducing the main methods of data collection and data analysis as they have been used in past research on social movements.
Unlike other volumes, the book offers a practical, how-to approach and not simply a review of the methodological literature. Each author writes on a method they are very familiar with, having used it extensively in their own work. And each chapter presents specific discussions on every stage of research: from research design to data collection and the use of the information gathered. Throughout, research dilemmas and choices are presented, illustrated, and discussed. The volume offers an essential point of references for anyone undertaking research on social movements.
Readership: Students and scholars in the social sciences focusing on social movements

A timely exploration into a topic somewhat neglected in recent year, filling a gap in the affective sciences literature
Provides an interdisciplinary account of the topic, providing information of interest to those across psychology, philosophy, and sociology
Considers collective emotions both in the physical and the virtual world
Although collective emotions have a long tradition in scientific inquiry, for instance in mass psychology and the sociology of rituals and social movements, their importance for individuals and the social world has never been more obvious than in the past decades. The Arab Spring revolution, the Occupy Wall Street movement, and mass gatherings at music festivals or mega sports events clearly show the impact collective emotions have both in terms of driving conflict and in uniting people. But these examples only show the most obvious and evident forms of collective emotions. Others are more subtle, although less important: shared moods, emotional atmospheres, and intergroup emotions are part and parcel of our social life. Although these phenomena go hand in hand with any formation of sociality, they are little understood. Moreover, there still is a large gap in our understanding of individual emotions on the one hand and collective emotional phenomena on the other hand.
This book presents a comprehensive overview of contemporary theories and research on collective emotions. It spans several disciplines and brings together, for the first time, various strands of inquiry and up-to-date research in the study of collective emotions and related phenomena. In focusing on conceptual, theoretical, and methodological issues in collective emotion research, the volume narrows the gap between the wealth of studies on individual emotions and inquiries into collective emotions. The book catches up with a renewed interest into the collective dimensions of emotions and their close relatives, for example emotional climates, atmospheres, communities, and intergroup emotions. This interest is propelled by a more general increase in research on the social and interpersonal aspects of emotion on the one hand, and by trends in philosophy and cognitive science towards refined conceptual analyses of collective entities and the collective properties of cognition on the other hand. The book includes sections on: Conceptual Perspectives; Collective Emotion in Face-to-Face Interactions; The Social-Relational Dimension of Collective Emotion; The Social Consequences of Collective Emotions; Group-Based and Intergroup Emotion; Rituals, Movements, and Social Organization; and Collective Emotions in Online Social Systems.
Including contributions from psychologists, philosophers, sociologists, and neuroscience, this volume is a unique and valuable contribution to the affective sciences literature.
Readership: Students and researchers in the affective sciences - psychology, neuroscience, philosophy, sociology

Citing the critical importance of empirical work to social movement research, the editors of this volume have put together the first systematic overview of the major methods used by social movement theorists. Original chapters cover the range of techniques: surveys, formal models, discourse analysis, in-depth interviews, participant observation, case studies, network analysis, historical methods, protest event analysis, macro-organizational analysis, and comparative politics. Each chapter includes a methodological discussion, examples of studies employing the method, an examination of its strengths and weaknesses, and practical guidelines for its application.

This widely-praised book identified peaceful struggle as a key phenomenon in international politics a year before the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt confirmed its central argument. Civil resistance - non-violent action against such challenges as dictatorial rule, racial discrimination and foreign military occupation - is a significant but inadequately understood feature of world politics. Especially through the peaceful revolutions of 1989, and the developments in the Arab world since December 2010, it has helped to shape the world we live in. Civil Resistance and Power Politics covers most of the leading cases, including the actions master-minded by Gandhi, the US civil rights struggle in the 1960s, the Islamic revolution in Iran in 1979, the 'people power' revolt in the Philippines in the 1980s, the campaigns against apartheid in South Africa, the various movements contributing to the collapse of the Soviet Bloc in 1989-91, and, in this century, the 'colour revolutions' in Georgia and Ukraine. The chapters, written by leading experts, are richly descriptive and analytically rigorous. This book addresses the complex interrelationship between civil resistance and other dimensions of power. It explores the question of whether civil resistance should be seen as potentially replacing violence completely, or as a phenomenon that operates in conjunction with, and modification of, power politics. It looks at cases where campaigns were repressed, including China in 1989 and Burma in 2007. It notes that in several instances, including Northern Ireland, Kosovo and, Georgia, civil resistance movements were followed by the outbreak of armed conflict. It also includes a chapter with new material from Russian archives showing how the Soviet leadership responded to civil resistance, and a comprehensive bibliographical essay. Illustrated throughout with a remarkable selection of photographs, this uniquely wide-ranging and path-breaking study is written in an accessible style and is intended for the general reader as well as for students of Modern History, Politics, Sociology, and International Relations.

Political protest and social movements are ubiquitous phenomena. This book focuses on the current theoretical approaches that aim at explaining them: the theory of collective action, the resource mobilization perspective, political opportunity structure theory, the identity approach, the framing perspective, and the dynamics of contention approach. The book has three objectives: (1) Many basic concepts like political opportunities or identity are not clearly defined. It is further often a matter of interpretation what factors are supposed to affect which phenomena. The first aim is therefore to provide a detailed introduction to and a clear restatement of the theories. Only then is it possible to assess and improve them. (2) For each theory the major strengths and weaknesses are discussed, and various modifications and extensions are suggested. (3) Building on these analyses, it is shown how the theories can be integrated into a single theoretical paradigm: the structural-cognitive model.

Since the late eighteenth century, politics, protest, and the state have evolved together, each shaping the other in significant ways. This engaging and succinct treatment of protestÐstate interaction shows how the modern national state developed in tandem with social movement mobilization, arguing that to understand the state fully, you cannot ignore the role of political protest.
Today, social movements are an integral part of politics: modern democratic states are, in reality, social movement societies, and protest mobilization permeates how politics is regularly accomplished. States and Social Movements presents a balanced and comprehensive assessment of various theories of social movements, engaging both state-centered approaches, and cultural and agency-based perspectives. Hank Johnston takes a broad view, analyzing democratic transitions and revolutions, how protest occurs in repressive states, and concluding with an exploration of the emerging repertoire of global social movements, where these movements come from, and if they spell the end of the modern state as we know it.
States and Social Movements cuts to the core of how social movements interact with all types of state system to produce variable outcomes such as democracy, policy reform, repression, insurrection, and revolution. As such, it is essential reading for students and scholars of sociology and political science interested in the important research area of contentious politics.