蒂莫西·斯奈德的这本《红色王子：哈布斯堡大公的隐秘生活》重新诠释了在民族认同和现代意识形态逐渐占据主导的时代背景下，哈布斯堡王朝成员的个人历史。其聚焦点是威廉·冯·哈布斯堡（Wilhelm Von Habsburg）这个 “红色王子”。威廉·冯·哈布斯堡是哈布斯堡大公，金羊毛骑士团成员，奥地利军官，乌克兰上校，花花公子。另外，本书还讲述了他的父亲斯蒂芬（Stefan ，1860-1933）和哥哥阿尔布雷希特（Albrecht ，1888-1951）。
斯奈德考察了在哈布斯堡帝国快速崩溃时代的哈布斯堡王朝成员的个人史。现代民族国家取代多民族帝国主要基于民族认同和现代意识形态的兴起。在这样一种新的地缘政治框架内，哈布斯堡帝国已经过时，这不仅体现在1918年帝国的灭亡，同时也体现于威廉、斯蒂芬和阿尔布雷希特个人的不幸。

前现代的“暹罗王国”是如何变成了“泰国”这样一个现代民族国家？所谓的“泰国性”是如何形成的？泰国的“国家感”是什么？地理学以及制图术在19世纪末、20世纪初的泰国历史中发挥了怎样决定性的作用？
在这部东南亚研究和边疆研究的经典著作中，史学家通猜·威尼差恭对这些问题做出了回答。他提出，旧的本土空间观被新的西方地理学话语替代，边界、主权、边缘等概念逐步为人们所接受，正是在这种变化中，泰国的“地缘机体”被一步步塑造出来。本书突破了以往民族国家研究的范式，从独到的角度重新讲述了这段历史。

This long-awaited work reconstructs the ways in which the meanings and uses of sex changed during that important moment of political and social configuration viewed as the birth of modernity. Isabel V. Hull analyzes the shift in the "sexual system" which occurred in German-speaking Central Europe when the absolutist state relinquished its monopoly on public life and presided over the formation of an independent civil society. Hull defines a society's sexual system as the patterned way in which sexual behavior is shaped and given meaning through institutions. She shows that as the absolutist state encouraged an independent sphere of public activity, it gave up its theoretically unlimited right to regulate sexual behavior and invested this right in the active citizens of the new civil society. Among the questions posed by this political and social transformation are, When does sexual behavior merit society's regulation? What kinds of behaviors and groups prompt intervention? What interpretive framework does the public apply to sexual behavior? Hull persuades us that a culture's sexual system can be understood only in relation to the particularities of state, law, and society, and that when state and society are examined through the sexual lens, much conventional wisdom is cast in doubt.

Exclusive Revolutionariestraces the development of German liberal and later nationalist political culture in imperial Austria from the revolutions of 1848 to the outbreak of World War I. Drawing on archival research from several regions of the former Habsburg Monarchy, Pieter M. Judson provides a clear, chronological political narrative that demonstrates the continuing influence of liberal ideas and values well after the defeat of liberal political parties.
In the mid-1800s, Judson argues, German liberal activists built an effective political movement whose ideology was rooted in its members' social experience in voluntary associations. The liberals were committed to the creation of a market economy based on personal property rights, to a society based on the values of individual self-improvement and personal respectability, and to a fundamental distinction between active and passive citizenship. They were determined to achieve a harmonious community of free peoples, in which personal enlightenment would bring an end to the divisive influence of localism, ethnicity, religion, and feudal social hierarchy.
Yet after 1880, as newer, more radical mass political movements threatened their political fortunes, the liberals forged a German nationalist politics based increasingly on ethnic identity. Their emphasis on national identity became a way for former liberals to hold together an increasingly diverse coalition of German speakers who had little in common outside of their shared language. Only "Germanness" bridged the dangerous gulf between social classes. This nationalism helped the liberals to compete for power in the multinational, multicultural Austrian Empire down to 1914, but it left a legacy of nationalist extremism and tolerance of anti-Semitism that continues to influence political cultures in the former lands of the Habsburg Monarchy today.
  Exclusive Revolutionarieswill interest social and cultural historians of nineteenth-century Europe, and of Germany and Central Europe in particular.
  Pieter M. Judson is Professor of History, Swarthmore College.  He is the recipient of a fellowship from the John Simon Guggenheim Foundation.

In the wake of modern genocide, we tend to think of violence against minorities as a sign of intolerance, or, even worse, a prelude to extermination. Violence in the Middle Ages, however, functioned differently, according to David Nirenberg. In this provocative book, he focuses on specific attacks against minorities in fourteenth-century France and the Crown of Aragon (Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia). He argues that these attacks--ranging from massacres to verbal assaults against Jews, Muslims, lepers, and prostitutes--were often perpetrated not by irrational masses laboring under inherited ideologies and prejudices, but by groups that manipulated and reshaped the available discourses on minorities. Nirenberg shows that their use of violence expressed complex beliefs about topics as diverse as divine history, kinship, sex, money, and disease, and that their actions were frequently contested by competing groups within their own society.
Nirenberg's readings of archival and literary sources demonstrates how violence set the terms and limits of coexistence for medieval minorities. The particular and contingent nature of this coexistence is underscored by the book's juxtapositions--some systematic (for example, that of the Crown of Aragon with France, Jew with Muslim, medieval with modern), and some suggestive (such as African ritual rebellion with Catalan riots). Throughout, the book questions the applicability of dichotomies like tolerance versus intolerance to the Middle Ages, and suggests the limitations of those analyses that look for the origins of modern European persecutory violence in the medieval past.