Formations of Modernity is a major introductory textbook offering an account of the important historical processes, institutions and ideas that have shaped the development of modern societies. This challenging and innovative book 'maps' the evolution of those distinctive forms of political, economic, social and cultural life which characterize modern societies, from their origins in early modern Europe to the nineteenth century. It examines the roots of modern knowledge and the birth of the social sciences in the Enlightenment, and analyses the impact on the emerging identity of 'the West' of its encounters through exploration, trade, conquest and colonization, with 'other civilizations'. Designed as an introduction to modern societies and modern sociological analyses, this book is of value to students on a wide variety of social science courses in universities and colleges and also to readers with no prior knowledge of sociology. Selected readings from a broad range of classical writers (Weber, Durkheim, Marx, Freud, Adam Smith, Montesquieu, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau) and contemporary thinkers (Michael Mann, E.P. Thompson, Edward Said) are integrated in each chapter, together with student questions and exercises.

As the rivalry between the US and China enters a dangerous new phase, reaffirming the politics of anti-imperialism is a task more important than ever.
From trade wars and pandemic politics to rioting workers, intercontinental balloons, and battles over TikTok, the US media tends to present contemporary China—when it’s discussed at all—in sensationalist terms. This portrayal has only intensified as China’s relationship with the United States has grown increasingly hostile. Whether in the form of overtly racist rhetoric and aggressive trade actions, or the more buttoned down but equally antagonistic efforts to oppose Chinese interests abroad, the US has made clear that it has no interest in giving up its position as global hegemon. This seemingly endless cycle of nationalism, jingoism, and reactionary politics on both sides of the Pacific suggests a downward spiral that could plausibly result in catastrophic military confrontation.
China in Global Capitalism forcefully makes the case that workers and socially marginalized people in both the US and China must oppose our rulers’ claims that they have our best interests in mind as they ratchet up their rivalry. Rather, if we’re to avert nuclear calamity, we must oppose imperialism in all its forms, and regardless of its source and rhetoric.
Through snapshots of China’s growing social movements—from its labor struggles to feminist campaigns, and more—Lin, Liu, Friedman, and Smith provide some of the building blocks we’ll need to construct a movement that centers international solidarity across borders.

《共产党宣言》是马克思和恩格斯为共产主义者同盟起草的纲领，全文贯穿马克思主义的历史观，马克思主义诞生的重要标志。由马克思执笔写成 。1848年2月21日在伦敦第一次以单行本问世。2月24日，《共产党宣言》正式出版。

《反杜林论》是恩格斯于1876年5月底至1878年7月初的著作，是一部伟大的马克思主义著作，是马克思主义发展史上的一座丰碑。这部著作的内容十分丰富，系统地论述了马克思主义的三个组成部分(哲学、政治经济学、科学社会主义)及其内在联系，是一部马克思主义的百科全书。杜林(1833~1912)出生于德国一个大官僚家庭。他是柏林大学讲师，小资产阶级思想家。早在1867年，马克思的《资本论》第一卷出版后，他就写文章“批判”《资本论》。可是，在1875年前后，他却摇身一变，宣布他改信社会主义，并以社会主义“改革家”自居，扬言要在科学中实行一次全面的“改革”。他著书立说，发表了一系列著作，以假乱真，毒害群众，疯狂地反对马克思主义。
由于杜林的错误理论是打着“社会主义”这块金字招牌，并以“科学”的伪装出现，因此在德国党内外产生了很大影响。在德国党面前，提出一个十分严肃的问题：是以杜林主义作为党的理论基础，还是以马克思主义作为党的指导思想?这不仅是关系德国党能否作为一个真正的无产阶级政党而存在的根本问题，也是关系到整个国际共产主义运动沿着什么方向前进的根本问题。为了捍卫科学社会主义的学说，使刚刚统一起来的德国党沿着正确道路前进，必须批驳杜林主义。为此，在马克思的大力支持下，恩格斯花了两年多的时间，写下了一系列批判杜林的文章，在德国党的机关报——《前进报》上陆续发表。1878年7月印成单行本，这就是著名的理论巨著——《反杜林论》。这部著作的问世，对于保卫马克思主义世界观，维护科学社会主义纲领，推动德国工人运动和整个共产主义运动的发展，起了十分重要的作用。

考茨基著作单行本

本书共分为两个主要部分。第一部分为理论部分。作者根据马克思主义政治经济学原理，从商品经济入手，深入浅出地分析了资本主义制度下各种不可克服的矛盾，阐明了资本主义制度一定要灭亡、社会主义一定要胜利的客观历史规律。在这一部分里，作者还分析了第二国际破产的原因，论述了第三国际成立的意义。
本书的第二部分为无产阶级专政和共产主义建设部分。在这一部分里，作者具体分析了俄国的国际地位、俄国的大工业、第一次世界大战的后果和俄国的小资产阶级性等等特点，指出了十月社会主义革命在苏联取得胜利的必然性。与此同时，作者还从俄国的实际情况出发，对于党在无产阶级取得胜利以后所面临的诸如民主与专政、民族、宗教、军事、法院、银行、货币、工农业生产组织等等这样一些极为重要的问题，作了理论上的论证。
二十年代中，随着我国革命的发展，《共产主义ABC》一书也开始流传到我们中国。1926年该书的第一部分（即理论部分）曾经被译成中文作为新青年社丛书之一由新青年出版社出版，对于马列主义基本知识在我国的传播起了很好的作用。
本书写于1919年，当时的苏联正处在战时共产主义时期，《共产主义ABC》一书也象苏联当时理论界的许多著作一样，在某种程度上不能不留下时代的烙印，特别是该书第二部分中的某些观点，比如工农业生产的国有化问题，社会主义制度下的商品、货币、交换等等问题，是不符合后来社会主义建设实践经验的。但是，尽管如此，该书仍不失为一本好书，对于我们今天研究马克思主义的发展，仍有一定的参考价值。
本书中文版是根据1925年苏联出的俄文版译出的。原书附有1919年俄共（布）第八次代表大会通过的俄共（布）党纲，考虑到该党纲在我国已有中文版本，故这里从略。

This classic by an associate of Yugoslavia's Tito created a sensation when it was published in 1957 because it was the first time that a ranking Communist had publicly analyzed his disillusionment with the system.

Uncertain Futures: An Assessment of the Conditions of the Present provides a detailed look into the economic and political conditions of our present moment from a Marxist perspective. Key aspects of Marxist economic theory are illustrated in clear ways in order to provide an easy introduction to Marxist thought and their applicability. The book also examines the sluggish recovery from the Great Recession, in the context of the long-term feasibility of sustaining the capitalist system by placing it into a historical framework. It considers the necessity of social democratic reforms while calling for an anarchic re-invigoration of the politics of everyday life.

The Cold War is often presented as a power struggle between the Soviet Union and the United States. Richard Saull challenges this assumption. He broadens our understanding of the defining political conflict of the twentieth century by stressing the social and ideological differences between the superpowers and how these differences conditioned their international behavior.



Saull argues that U.S.-Soviet antagonism was part of a wider conflict between capitalism and communism involving states and social forces other than the superpowers. The United States was committed to containing revolutionary movements that emerged out of uneven capitalist development. Saull not only provides a richer international history of the Cold War than has been offered by mainstream approaches, but he also explains why revolutionary domestic transformations caused international crises. Tracing the origins of resistance to American power, Saull's book provides an ideal alternative perspective on the Cold War and its end.



"Saull provides us with major new insights into the turbulent history of the twentieth century. A must read for those looking for another way of thinking about our dark times."
---Michael Cox, Director of the Cold War Studies Centre, London School of Economics



"An indispensable book."
---Marilyn Young, Department of History, New York University



"Sophisticated and illuminating. The book exposes the thin superficiality of mainstream efforts to explain the dynamics of the Cold War. Saull's fascinating book will be indispensable not only for students of Cold War history but for students of international relations."

「不好好念書，長大就跟我一樣當黑手！」──父親
「父親用他的技術養活了一家子，為什麼卻把自己和自己的工作當成負面教材？」──女兒
工人女兒對於父親最深情的疼惜
深刻動人、具有台灣味的黑手師傅民族誌
看見技術工人的驕傲、自豪與矛盾
吳曉樂、張慧慈、謝國雄、林文蘭、宋世祥、劉清耿 感動推薦
身為工人之女，她與工人最近的距離，不是父親，而是父母親的告誡：「不好好念書，將來就跟你爸一樣做工！」
從小，父親的工作就隔絕在她的生活之外，父母親總是以父親的職業當作反面教材，「工人」、「黑手」是她必須依靠讀書全力避免的未來，而父親的職業，包含父親本身，則成了展示不堪、讀書失敗的負面教材。
直到大學接觸了社會學，「工人」這兩個字浮出檯面，成為她認識自己的的線索，並促使她在研究所階段，開啟了認識父親與拖車師傅的旅程。
她以疼惜的口吻探問著：「父親用他的絕活養活了一家子，為何卻把自己與自己的工作當成負面教材？」
同時也思索著：「為什麼在台灣社會，技術的價值總是不如學歷？當人們認為取得好文憑是為了獲得好工作時，文憑真的可以做到這件事嗎？而什麼又是好工作？技術工真的就如此不堪嗎？」
本書以作者父親的工作與家庭為背景，描繪港都拖車師傅的工作史與生命史，書寫他們如何走上拖車師傅之路，又如何放棄向上流動，甘願做師傅就好。而在他們以自身技術為豪時，回到自家屋簷下，為何又處處貶低自己的職業？
★臺灣社會學會碩士論文佳作獎、碩士論文田野工作獎★
★科技與社會研究學會碩士論文優秀獎★
本書特色
翻轉工人悲情的刻版印象，呈現技術工人驕傲自豪的一面。
展現師傅的學藝經歷，從小學徒、半桶師到出師。
師傅可以辨識自己製造的產品，每台車子上面都有師傅的「胎記」。
內行看焊道，師傅可以透過看焊道，評價做工品質，而在工廠師傅之間則是透過「手路」，判斷彼此技術的高低。
在拖車產業，實力和品質，才是讓人衣食無虞的「鐵飯碗」。
在黑手的世界，跳槽與轉業是人人必走的加薪之道。
口碑和情報很重要，薪資低的工廠吸引不到好師傅，打混摸魚的師傅，也難以一案接過一案。
技術為王道，師傅不用看老闆臉色，遇到亂砍價的雇主，還可以透過罷工來維持行情。
齊聲推薦
謝國雄（中央研究院社會學研究所研究員）
一個以技術為傲的車斗師傅，不時恐嚇女兒：如果不好好唸書，以後就像我一樣做工。這個女兒認真唸書了，拿到社會學碩士，然後寫了這本書。不像1970年代的成衣業、塑膠加工業等的受僱者，努力讓自己翻身成為頭家，這些有「工夫」底的車斗師傅，卻不想創業成為頭家，這是為什麼？這些師傅擁有一身絕活，為何回到家中，卻處處貶低自己的工作？作者以祖父母、雙親與自己的生命經驗來解開這個雙重的身世之謎。這是一本結合生命、研究與寫作的社會書，全書以流暢的故事展開技術與文憑的對話，值得所有想了解台灣社會的職業與工作、家庭與親情、教育與產業的人一讀！
宋世祥（【百工裡的人類學家】創辦人）
父親的工作不光是一家的經濟收入來源，往往也成為孩子認識這個世界、社會最重要的入口。謝嘉心不只用《我的黑手父親》說了自己父親的故事，也是高雄這個工業城市裡，乃至全台灣廣大勞工家庭與群體的故事。透過嘉心細緻又全方面的描述，勞工不只是髒兮兮的黑手，而是充滿勞動價值的黑金。
林文蘭（清華大學社會學研究所、人社院學士班合聘副教授）
在台灣這座「頭家島」上，不是每個黑手都想成為頭家，有些人「甘願做師傅」。本書描繪了以技藝自豪的師傅，為何不願攀升流動階梯？更遑論讓孩子繼承父業。這本深刻動人有台灣味的民族誌，擁有社會學分析的質地，更蘊含豐富的文化肌理和生命印記。作者刻劃港都拖車師傅置身的勞動世界：他們如何在師徒制底下，從「做中學」鍛鍊手路；他們如何出師，精進技術、勇闖江湖，與頭家斡旋和互挺。本書讓我們看見擁有真工夫、打造經濟奇蹟的拖車師傅如何安身立命，更引領我們反思「技術王道」和「文憑主義」之間的永恆對話。
劉清耿（輔仁大學社會學系助理教授）
這是一本可讀性高的社會書。寫作起點來自作者與父親在互動中萌生的困惑：為什麼擁有一技之長，專於製造、維修拖車的父親對自身的技術能力感到驕傲自豪，卻又時常以貶抑自己職業的方式告誡子女：「不好好讀書，將來就跟我一樣做黑手」？圍繞著這個謎題，作者展開她的解謎之旅。可喜的是，這場解謎之旅一如刻印在黑手父親身體裡的鐵工技藝，豐富多彩。在流暢行文中，讀者除了可以認識一位平凡父親的生命故事，也可以了解黑手師傅在傳統師徒制裡的技術養成經驗，更得以一窺台灣傳統產業技術變遷的縮影。《我的黑手父親》不僅是精彩的技術研究，也是富有社會學想像的社會書。

A century of complex relations between Communists and workers in China
In 2021, the Chinese Communist Party celebrated a century of existence. Since the Party’s humble beginnings in the Marxist groups of the Republican era to its current global ambitions, one thing has not changed for China’s leaders: their claim to represent the vanguard of the Chinese working class. Spanning from the night classes for workers organised by student activists in Beijing in the 1910s to the labour struggles during the 1920s and 1930s; from the turmoil of the Cultural Revolution to the social convulsions of the reform era to China’s global push today, this book reconstructs the contentious history of labour in China from the early twentieth century to this day (and beyond). This will be achieved through a series of essays penned by scholars in the field of Chinese society, politics, and culture, each one of which will revolve around a specific historical event, in a mosaic of different voices, perspectives, and interpretations of what constituted the experience of being a worker in China in the past century.
Contributors: Corey Byrnes, Craig A. Smith, Xu Guoqi, Zhou Ruixue, Lin Chun, Elizabeth J. Perry, Tony Saich, Wang Kan, Gail Hershatter, Apo Leong, S.A. Smith, Alexander F. Day, Yige Dong, Seung-Joon Lee, Lu Yan, Joshua Howard, Bo Ærenlund Sørensen, Brian DeMare, Emily Honig, Po-chien Chen, Yi-hung Liu, Jake Werner, Malcolm Thompson, Robert Cliver, Mark W. Frazier, John Williams, Christian Sorace, Zhu Ruiyi, Ivan Franceschini, Chen Feng, Ben Kindler, Jane Hayward, Tim Wright, Koji Hirata, Jacob Eyferth, Aminda Smith, Fabio Lanza, Ralph Litzinger, J onathan Unger, Covell F. Meyskens, Maggie Clinton, Patricia M. Thornton, Ray Yep, Andrea Piazzaroli Longobardi, Joel Andreas, Matt Galway, Michel Bonnin, A.C. Baecker, Mary Ann O’Donnell, Tiantian Zheng, Jeanne L. Wilson, Ming-sho Ho, Yueran Zhang, Anita Chan, Sarah Biddulph, Jude Howell, William Hurst, Dorothy J. Solinger, Ching Kwan Lee, Chloé Froissart, Mary Gallagher, Eric Florence, Junxi Qian, Chris King-chi Chan, Elaine Sio-Ieng Hui, Jenny Chan, Eli Friedman, Aaron Halegua, Wanning Sun, Marc Blecher, Huang Yu, Manfred Elfstrom, Darren Byler, Carlos Rojas, Chen Qiufan.

This book presents the main economic argument developed by Marx in the three volumes of Capital in a coherent and comprehensive manner. It also delves into three long-standing debates in Marxist political economy: the transformation problem, the Okishio theorem, and theories of exploitation and oppression. Starting with discussions of methodology, including dialectics and historical materialism, the book explains key concepts of Marxist political economy: commodity, value, money, capital, reserve army of labour, accumulation of capital, circuit of capital, reproduction schemas, prices of production, profit, interest and rent. Scholars of economics, sociology, geography, political science, anthropology, and other kindred disciplines, will find here an accessible yet rigorous treatment of Marxist political economy.

Ben shu zhai yi le 18 pian dang dai wai guo xue zhe yan jiu dang dai fa da zi ben zhu yi guo jia jie ji wen ti de wen zhang.

We are currently witnessing some of the greatest challenges to democratic regimes since the 1930s, with democratic institutions losing ground in numerous countries throughout the world. At the same time organized labor has been under assault worldwide, with steep declines in union density rates. In this timely handbook, scholars in law, political science, history, and sociology explore the role of organized labor and the working class in the historical construction of democracy. They analyze recent patterns of democratic erosion, examining its relationship to the political weakening of organized labor and, in several cases, the political alliances forged by workers in contexts of nationalist or populist political mobilization. The volume breaks new ground in providing cross-regional perspectives on labor and democracy in the United States, Europe, Latin America, Africa, and Asia. Beyond academia, this volume is essential reading for policymakers and practitioners concerned with the relationship between labor and democracy.

The Unfinished Struggle is one of the most concise, comprehensive, and accessible histories of the modern American labor movement ever written. Labor scholar and activist Steve Babson's dramatic narrative examines the numerous attempts to organize workers from the Great Uprising of 1877 to the 'sitdown' strikes of the 1930s to the present day. Babson illuminates the tumultuous past, evolving agenda, and continuing conflicts of the labor movement. He carefully identifies the causes of labor's decline in recent decades and explains union leaders' attempts to revive their organizations. Most important, Babson shows readers how the fortunes of organized labor are tied to larger trends in American history.

In the decades following World War II, factories in many countries not only provided secure employment and a range of economic entitlements, but also recognized workers as legitimate stakeholders, enabling them to claim rights to participate in decision making and hold factory leaders accountable. In recent decades, as employment has become more precarious, these attributes of industrial citizenship have been eroded and workers have increasingly been reduced to hired hands. As Joel Andreas shows in Disenfranchised, no country has experienced these changes as dramatically as China. Drawing on a decade of field research, including interviews with both factory workers and managers, Andreas traces the changing political status of workers inside Chinese factories from 1949 to the present, carefully analyzing how much power they have actually had to shape their working conditions.