◆ 昏招连连步步错，越是“勤政”越亡国！
◆ 谋求富国，但敛财自用，坐视军费亏空；意图强兵，但加派三饷，致使民不聊生；欲平党争，但偏听偏信，加深群臣矛盾；谨慎用人，但多疑善变，终冤杀袁崇焕……
◆ 财政、党争、军事、用人……看懂崇祯皇帝如何一步步把自己逼上绝路！
◆ 中国明史学会顾问、北京师范大学特聘教授陈梧桐力作！
◆ 考据严谨认真，文风通俗优美，带读者回到波澜壮阔的明末，看懂崇祯如何亡国。
◆ 作者去世后shou部再版作品，收录珍贵手稿，富有纪念意义！
◆ 方志远、陈宝良、彭勇等明史大家力荐！
◆ 读客轻学术文库：既严肃严谨又轻松好看的学术书！

公元1644年，当李自成率军攻破北京，崇祯皇帝无路可逃，留下“皆诸臣误朕”的遗言，在煤山自缢。延续了二百七十六年的明朝自此灭亡。然而，崇祯并非传统意义上沉迷酒色、穷奢极欲、穷兵黩武的“亡国之君”，而是勤政节俭，励精图治。
一个励精图治的皇帝为何沦为“亡国之君”？有人认为明朝实际亡于万历，崇祯只是无力回天，更有人推论：是历史让崇祯皇帝演出了一个“非亡国之君”的亡国悲剧。
事实真是如此吗？在本书中，中国明史学会顾问、北京师范大学特聘教授陈梧桐，从财政、党争、军事、用人等角度，带领读者看懂崇祯皇帝如何昏招迭出，走上亡国之路。
昏招连连步步错，越是“勤政”越亡国。
翻开本书，看懂崇祯皇帝如何一步步把自己逼上绝路。

陈梧桐（1935—2023），曾任中央民族大学教授、北京师范大学历史学院“985工程”特聘教授。兼任中国明史学会顾问、中国民族史学会理事、朱元璋研究会顾问。
陈梧桐先生认为历史写作应当面向大众。为此，他用通俗优美的文笔，严肃认真地创作着普及性史著，在明史研究的前沿成果与普通读者间架起沟通的桥梁。《崇祯：勤政的亡国君》一书正是陈梧桐先生写作理念和治学态度的体现。

◆陈梧桐教授是我敬重的师长，他为历史爱好者撰写的这部崇祯传记，既写出了崇祯个人的悲剧，更写出了明亡的悲剧。陈教授治学严谨，下笔则富有感染力。希望读者读完本书，既能哀之，亦能鉴之。
——方志远，江西师范大学教授，兼任中国明史学会shou席顾问，百家讲坛名师
◆崇祯皇帝一生，勤勉治国，却又刚愎自用。直至煤山自尽之时，仍不承认自己是“亡国之君”。这似乎是一个历史的悖论。如何公正地评价崇祯帝？如何辩证地看待明朝覆亡的原因？欲知其详，不妨读一下已故历史学家陈梧桐教授《崇祯：勤政的亡国君》一书，从中可以找到真正的答案，并揭开历史的重重迷雾。
——陈宝良，西南大学教授，兼任中国明史学会理事
◆晚明时代，东南沿海的商路异常繁忙，江南商镇的灯光彻夜不熄，华北的庙会人潮如织，似乎一切都不曾改变。然而，明王朝的统治已走到了穷途末路，忙得焦头烂额的崇祯皇帝，时常询问身边的老臣：太祖爷当年是如何规定的？又是怎么做的呢？作为研究洪武皇帝zui有名的学者，陈梧桐先生又是如何分析崇祯亡国的呢？
——彭勇，中央民族大学教授、博导，兼任中国明史学会副会长、中国民族史学会副会长

Utilising archives in mainland China, Taiwan, Japan and the USA, Nagatomi Hirayama examines the pivotal role of the Chinese Youth Party in China in the transformative years 1918-51. Tracing the party's birth in 1923 during the May Fourth movement, its revolutionary path to the late 1930s, and its de-radicalization in the 1940s, Hirayama discusses the emergence of the Chinese Youth Party as a robust revolutionary movement on the right, characterized by its cultural conservatism, political intellectualism, and national socialism. Although its history is relatively unknown, Hirayama argues that the Chinese Youth Party represented a serious competitor to the Chinese Communist Party and Guomindang, and proved to be of particular significance during World War II and China's Civil War. Shedding light on the ideas and practices of the Chinese Youth Party provides a significant lens through which to view the Chinese radical right in the first half of the twentieth century.

In China between Peace and War, Victor S. C. Cheng explores the gripping history of peace talks and international negotiations from 1945 to 1947 that helped determine the shape of the Chinese Civil War. The book focuses on the efforts of the two belligerent parties-​the Chinese Nationalists, or Guomindang, and the Communists-to achieve an enduring peace. It presents previously unexplored major elements of the peace talks: ambiguous treaties, package deals and short-term solutions. It identifies the burning challenges that confronted attempts at peacemaking, including the two warring parties' high-risk decision-making styles and the temptation to veto agreements and resume fighting. Cheng argues against popular notions that differences between the two belligerents in the Chinese Civil War were irreconcilable, that the failure of the peace talks was predetermined and that the US government mediators needed to remain neutral.Because the actions around the negotiating table occurred in a developing theatre of war, Cheng also explores the military decision-making of the opposing sides as well as the conflicts that ultimately plunged China into the world's largest military engagement of the seven-plus decades since World War II. China between Peace and War highlights the contradictory role of political leaders who micromanaged the military, including their struggle to connect political objectives and military power, their rhetorical use of the 'decisive war' concept, and their pursuit of radical military-political goals at the expense of a negotiated peace.

大躍進饑荒期間，是怎樣的社會機制、資源和文化，造成了同一個村莊裏農民的生死分野？二十餘年來，作者走訪安徽和江西四十多個村莊，收集逾百份農民和基層幹部的口述資料，結合檔案、地方志、族譜等文獻，試圖從一手集體經驗找到農民在饑荒中得以倖存的原因。

透過分析各村莊的自然環境、宗族文化及經濟結構等，本書揭示了塑造農村基層權力關係、決定糧食分配，以及動員農民自保或集體抵抗的關鍵機制。書中講述的農民吃青、搶糧、瞞產等求生經驗，更補充了以往聚焦於死難的大饑荒論述，呈現共和國早期農村基層社會的複雜圖景。