中國王朝時代的政權之所以能夠讓「周邊」及「異民族」自由自然地與中國交流和融合，皆因長期崇尚「德治」這一超越「民族」和時代的價值，從而延續其統治的正當性。進入二十世紀後，這一歷史趨勢卻戛然而止—周邊開始拒絕中國，異民族集團開始抵制「中國人」意識。這一過程到底是如何發生的？弄清楚這個問題，對於民族問題日益嚴重的今日中國，實在刻不容緩。 本書作者指出，因為近代中國導入了「民族」的話語，造成了「民族」與「國民」二者不分的現象；隨著民族話語不斷被政治化，各種官制及民間的民族主義思潮甚囂塵上，使中國社會與當初建設「國民」和「國民國家」的理想漸行漸遠。以「民族」來頂替「國民」的結果，不僅促生和強化了漢族排斥和歧視其他周邊民族集團的狹隘民族主義，也使處於中國周邊的其他民族集團在社會流動的自由屢受限制，因而對自詡為「近代民族國家」的中國逐漸失去國家認同的意識。 本書集結作者二十年間就中國近代少數民族的國家認同問題之思考，當中包括他在多個中國伊斯蘭民族地區的生活經驗與大量田野考察工作。 如何建設一個具有跨越階級、民族和國家利益的讓全體國民共享的政治文化，將會是少數民族集團邁向國家認同的關鍵，好讓他們不再成為這個國家的「他者」。

Scholars have long been puzzled by why Muslim landowners in Central Asia, called begs, stayed loyal to the Qing empire when its political legitimacy and military power were routinely challenged. Borderland Capitalism argues that converging interests held them together: the local Qing administration needed the Turkic begs to develop resources and raise military revenue while the begs needed access to the Chinese market.

Drawing upon multilingual sources and archival material, Kwangmin Kim shows how the begs aligned themselves with the Qing to strengthen their own plantation-like economic system. As controllers of food supplies, commercial goods, and human resources, the begs had the political power to dictate the fortunes of governments in the region. Their political choice to cooperate with the Qing promoted an expansion of the Qing's emerging international trade at the same time that Europe was developing global capitalism and imperialism. Borderland Capitalism shows the Qing empire as a quintessentially early modern empire and points the way toward a new understanding of the rise of a global economy.

Drawing primarily on Qing archival sources, this study charts the changes in Qing policy that characterized the empire s relations with the Central Asian khanate of Khoqand, from the Qianlong era to the mid-19th century. It explores how the development of Khoqand as a regional power and its involvement with the khoja-cause impacted on Qing policy towards Xinjiang (Eastern Turkestan) and the consolidation of the north-western frontier. Focussing on the Altishahr region, it illustrates how, a notion of border defined by geography, politics and military logistics began to replace the earlier open and more fluid notion of frontier in Qing political thinking. It suggests that these developments presaged a transition from empire to nation-state long before the upheavals of the late 19th century."

"This book provides a wide-ranging display of the ways in which 'cosmopolitanism' has meaning in China, c. 1600-c. 1900 and how these possibilities were reduced subsequently. Significantly, the volume shows the meanings of cosmopolitanism for different kinds of people in Qing China, including Manchus, Muslims, Koreans (in relation to the Qing, if not in the Qing). It further explicates the multiple framings within which different modalities of cosmopolitanism were achieved, including Buddhist and Confucian. It also shows cosmopolitanism not merely as a feature of thought, but suggests implications of such approaches in matters of governance. Creating multiple challenges to conventional views of early modern and modern China, this important book offers opportunities to craft a more sensible and persuasive understanding of how China's early modern regional world became part of a late twentieth-century Inner Asian and East Asian world region." -R. BIN WONG, Distinguished Professor of History, UCLA; and Director, UCLA Asia Institute
"By exploring the historical links between Confucian cosmology, imperial ideology, political identities and interests, Cosmopolitanism in China changes the terms of understanding cosmopolitanism. It throws into relief the special character of cosmopolitanisms in Europe, South Asia and other parts of the world and thus begins the task of building a true cosmopolitanism for the planet." -PRASENJIT DUARA, Oscar Tang Professor of East Asian Studies, Duke University
For more information, see http: //www.cambriapress.com/books/9781604979008.cfm
This book is in the Cambria Sinophone World Series, headed by Victor Mair (University of Pennsylvania).

Long periods in Chinese history were determined by non-Han conquest rule. With this volume, which emerged from a workshop held in Munich in 2012, its editors and contributors aim at removing the blinders imposed by modern histories and their national boundaries, both territorial and intellectual, and at challenging the way in which we have thought and written about Chinese history so far.All chapters take a close look at the ways non-Han rulers, be they Jurchen, Mongols, or Manchus, used their specific cultural-ethnic backgrounds to strengthen their power in East Asia. Moreover, through a syncretic approach to the rhetoric and ideologies of other groups under their rule, the emperors and ruling elites developed invigorating methods to deal with the multi-ethnic and multi-cultural compositions of their often huge empires, whose influence is to be seen even in nowadays China. Only if we take their Inner and Northern Asian backgrounds into account will we be able to fully understand the historical and cultural impact of these dynasties on East Asian history. By doing so, the analysis of these periods must necessarily move beyond the focus of a China-centered narrative and take into account that the non-Han and Han identities of conquerors and conquered populations coming into contact became part of each other's histories. A closer look at these mutual influences will also enhance our understanding of these crucial historical periods beyond the limits of a perspective solely oriented towards ethnic and political boundaries.

统一书号: 8171-955

From about 1600 to 1800, the Qing empire of China expanded to unprecedented size. Through astute diplomacy, economic investment, and a series of ambitious military campaigns into the heart of Central Eurasia, the Manchu rulers defeated the Zunghar Mongols, and brought all of modern Xinjiang and Mongolia under their control, while gaining dominant influence in Tibet. The China we know is a product of these vast conquests.<br /><br /><br /><br />Peter C. Perdue chronicles this little-known story of China's expansion into the northwestern frontier. Unlike previous Chinese dynasties, the Qing achieved lasting domination over the eastern half of the Eurasian continent. Rulers used forcible repression when faced with resistance, but also aimed to win over subject peoples by peaceful means. They invested heavily in the economic and administrative development of the frontier, promoted trade networks, and adapted ceremonies to the distinct regional cultures.<br /><br /><br /><br />Perdue thus illuminates how China came to rule Central Eurasia and how it justifies that control, what holds the Chinese nation together, and how its relations with the Islamic world and Mongolia developed. He offers valuable comparisons to other colonial empires and discusses the legacy left by China's frontier expansion. The Beijing government today faces unrest on its frontiers from peoples who reject its autocratic rule. At the same time, China has launched an ambitious development program in its interior that in many ways echoes the old Qing policies.<br /><br /><br /><br />China Marches West is a tour de force that will fundamentally alter the way we understand Central Eurasia.

為何十八世紀準噶爾帝國滅亡，
會讓新疆、蒙古與西藏成為「中國」的一部分？
新清史宗師挑戰民族主義的經典之作．全球唯一中譯本   ★大清盛世的輝煌篇章，卻是大草原游牧史上最黑暗的一頁 今天的中國版圖，其實是清帝國在1600-1800年間向西擴張的產物。中國西征，征服了「中央歐亞」──也就是歐亞大陸的中心地帶，將現今的新疆與蒙古納入版圖，牢牢控制西藏。乾隆皇帝誇耀大清盛世的「十全武功」，泰半都是這場西征的成果。 然而，清帝國並非佔據一塊無人地帶。清帝國摧毀了當地另一個同樣也想成就自身霸業的帝國：準噶爾蒙古帝國。透過一系列野心勃勃的外交策略、軍事行動與經貿進逼下，準噶爾帝國曾經存在過的痕跡，幾乎遭到連根拔除。 「中國西征」雖然開啟大清歷史的偉大篇章，奠定中國版圖的疆界基礎，卻也終結最後的草原游牧帝國，終結數百年來的無邊界時代，更埋下日後宗教與種族衝突的種子。   ★七種語言、三方視角．首次完整呈現 要全盤檢視中國西征的歷史，就不能只有清帝國的單一視角，也不能僅仰賴中文史料。本書以「中央歐亞」為歷史舞臺，並將西征的大清帝國、東進的俄羅斯帝國，以及意欲匡復成吉思汗霸業的準噶爾蒙古帝國，同樣視為此一舞臺上的主角。
    為了處理本書驚人的時空跨度與多方視角，本書除了中文與英文史料，還嫻熟兼採蒙文、滿文、俄文與日文等多達七種語言的史料。唯有藉由過去中文世界較少企及的多方視角，既關照帝國征服者塑造歷史的方式，亦挖掘歷史失語者的低聲呢喃，才可能完整描繪三大帝國彼此相爭、橫亙兩百年的精采史詩。   ★地理環境、外交戰略、軍事後勤、全球比較．面面俱到分析 所謂「中央歐亞」，西起烏克蘭大草原，東至太平洋沿海地區，北從西伯利亞森林的南緣，一路向南延伸到西藏高原。此區自然環境多變、語言文化與民族複雜，廣袤千里且缺乏明顯邊界。 當大清、俄羅斯與準噶爾三大帝國在此交會，環境如何形塑其經濟、貿易模式與社會文化？如何影響三方之間的國際關係與合縱連橫？任何稱霸此一區域的帝國，又是如何克服山川地貌對軍事後勤與政治統治造成的障礙？ 本書不只跳脫征服者與民族主義的單一視角，更將清帝國與歷史上其他殖民帝國進行比較。《中國西征》看似從中國史出發，卻整合了政治、經濟、環境、軍事等面向，並將中國西征的歷史，重新放回全球史的脈絡。   ★中國西征的故事，改變理解中國、帝國與殖民歷史的方式 在十八世紀以前，游牧民族也曾是歷史舞臺上的主要參與者。中國西征以後，最後的草原游牧帝國終結，也終結了自由來去的無邊界時代。世界史上的偉大篇章翻過新的一頁，游牧民族卻永遠喪失與定居農業社會競爭的機會。但是，中國西征的歷史從未遠去。 清帝國摧毀準噶爾，寫下征服者的故事。不只改變了世界對中央歐亞的認知，也改寫了「中國」的定義。這樣的敘事，也被日後的中華民族國家繼承。新疆、蒙古與西藏自此被視為中國領土，中國也自認各族皆統一在多民族國家之下。 《中國西征》的歷史，反映了「中國」被建構與詮釋成中國的過程。本書透過豐富多元的史料，帶領讀者穿透當代的民族國家框架，重新省思歷史上變動的「中國」定義與不同可能。 清帝國征服中央歐亞後，如何掌控今天的新疆、蒙古與西藏？後代史家如何將這種控制正當化，影響後世的中國（華）民族主義？又是如何改變中國對伊斯蘭世界與蒙古的關係？當今中國政府在這些地方的治理政策，又與當年清帝國的作為有何呼應？
  清帝國征服中央歐亞的歷史，至今仍深刻影響當代中國
蒙古帝國的最後輓歌，是否仍在歷史失語者的耳邊迴響？  
作者簡介 | 濮德培（Peter C. Perdue） 新清史重要領軍人物，過去曾任教於麻省理工學院，現為美國耶魯大學歷史學系教授、美國文理科學院院士。博士畢業於哈佛大學歷史和東亞語言學系，研究領域為現代中國與日本社會經濟史、邊疆史與世界史。涉略與精通語言高達14種，包括中文、蒙文與滿文。著有《疲憊的大地：1500-1850年間國家與湖南的農民》。2006年以《中國西征》一書獲得美國亞洲協會最高學術榮譽的列文森獎。 譯者簡介 | 葉品岑 哥倫比亞大學東亞語言與文化系碩士。專職翻譯。譯有《廣場與塔樓》《凱因斯對戰海耶克》《午夜的佩拉皇宮》《時光的製圖學》《古蘭似海》《我的應許地》等書。 蔡偉傑 國立政治大學民族學系學士、碩士，美國印第安納大學中央歐亞學系碩士、博士。現任深圳大學人文學院歷史學系助理教授。研究方向為蒙古時代以降的歐亞世界史及內亞與中國關係史，著重於帝國、族群、移民與法制史領域。近年來除了從事學術研究以外，也透過網路媒體，積極推廣蒙古及內亞的相關歷史知識。 林文凱 中央研究院臺灣史研究所副研究員。研究領域為臺灣社會經濟史、臺灣族群史、臺灣法律史、歷史社會學。

“中国头号大右派”章伯钧次女章诒和回首往事，并以此书献给已在天国的父母。书中描述史良、储安平、张伯驹、聂绀弩、康同璧、罗隆基等的起落沉浮，由诸多片断入手，组成一个个悲壮的场景，仿佛是一幅壁画，浓彩重墨间呈现出历史的真、人生的幻……
此书亦是一群经历旧社会、新中国的知识分子悲剧命运的真实写照。

M.C.戈尔斯坦是美国著名的人类学家与藏学家。在西方藏学界，他独树一帜，自成一派，为国际藏学的发展作了巨大的贡献。本书是集西方藏学研究之大成，成为其藏学研究的代表作，也是西方研究西藏现代史的权威著作。
本书资料翔实，引证丰富。不仅使用大量的原西藏地方政府的官员回忆录及原始档案，而且使用英印政府、英国及美国政府的大量外交政治档案。后者的征引是目前西方有关西藏现代史研究著作中最为全面、完整与丰富的。另外，作者还相当重视口碑资料，大量征引拉萨街头的政治民谣入史，别开生面，文笔生动。

相同ISBN的还有云南人民出版社出版的《平凡的世界》（第三届茅盾文学奖获奖作品）《纳西东巴古籍译注全集》（第39卷）《林语堂作品集》（著名作家精品文丛系列）等，属于一书多号。

《晚清七十年》是唐德刚教授用英文写成的中国近代史的一个“导论篇”，后经不断增删和改写而成一部中国近代史著作。本书由于作者观照历史的角度非同一般的历史学家，也因其极富个性和魅力的语言而在海外有极大影响；也正是因作者的历史观点与一般的历史学家晚清观点大不相同。全书由“中国社会文化转型综论”、“太平天国”、“甲午与戊戌变法”、“义和团与八国联军”、“袁世凯、孙文与辛亥革命”五部分构成，并附有数十幅相关历史人物、历史事件的原始照片，极富历史震撼和可读性。

作为一名历史学者，沈志华教授多年来致力于搜集、整理、研究大量苏联历史档案，并将研究成果借由演讲的形式，用生动的语言展现给更多关注历史的人。本书即是作者近些年来十场精彩演讲、报告的合集，包括中苏结盟、中苏交恶的过程和原因、朝鲜战争的起源、苏联解体和苏共执政七十四年留下的历 史启示等广大读者关注的内容，是作者数十年心血和冷战研究的精华。
编辑推荐：
1. 华东师大著名历史学者沈志华教授第一部演讲录，二十年研究精华，一本普及，畅快淋漓
2. 本书通过扎实的档案史料研究，为您揭示20世纪东亚大国之间的波谲云诡，沧桑浮沉——朝鲜战争中中国为何出兵？该如何评价？苏联七十四年历史，为何错失三次改革机会，一夜解体？中国与苏联是如何结盟的，又为何走向破裂？为何中苏关系好的时候像兄弟，不好的时候像仇敌？

運用藏於中國、台灣、日本與美國的檔案資料，平山常富（Nagatomi Hirayama，漢學中心2009年度獎助訪問學人，諾丁漢大學寧波分校助理教授）檢視中國青年黨 在國家變革的1918至1951年之間的角色。追索1923年五四運動時創黨，1930年代晚期的革命路線，到1940年代的去激進化，平山討論中國青年黨興起成為一股強而有力的右翼革命運動，以文化保守主義、政治智識主義與國社主義為其特色。儘管青年黨的歷史相對罕為人知，但平山認為它曾是國、共兩黨的強力競爭者，並在二戰與國共內戰期間被證明了具有特殊的意義。揭示中國青年的的理念與實踐，為讀者提供可藉此觀察20世紀前半葉中國激進右翼的重要視角。

Guangxi, a region on China's southern border with Vietnam, has a large population of ethnic minorities and a history of rebellion and intergroup conflict. In the summer of 1968, during the high tide of the Cultural Revolution, it became notorious as the site of the most severe and extensive violence observed anywhere in China during that period of upheaval. Several cities saw urban combat resembling civil war, while waves of mass killings in rural communities generated enormous death tolls. More than one hundred thousand died in a few short months.

These events have been chronicled in sensational accounts that include horrific descriptions of gruesome murders, sexual violence, and even cannibalism. Only recently have scholars tried to explain why Guangxi was so much more violent than other regions. With evidence from a vast collection of classified materials compiled during an investigation by the Chinese government in the 1980s, this book reconsiders explanations that draw parallels with ethnic cleansing in Rwanda, Bosnia, and other settings. It reveals mass killings as the byproduct of an intense top-down mobilization of rural militia against a stubborn factional insurgency, resembling brutal counterinsurgency campaigns in a variety of settings. Moving methodically through the evidence, Andrew Walder provides a groundbreaking new analysis of one the most shocking chapters of the Cultural Revolution.

黄卫平(1954- ),广东开平人,曾用笔名魏冰,深圳大学哲学社会科学研究所副所长、副教授

郑超麟,早年参加中共,1923年赴莫斯科中山大学学习,1924年回国,任中央宣传部秘书兼上海地委委员、湖北省委宣传部长,1929年因参加党内反对派活动被开除出党。他是中国托派组织的领导人之一。解放前被蒋介石政权两次逮捕,解放后被人民政府监禁。1979年出狱,任上海市政协委员。本书回忆录部分写于1945年;《陈独秀与托派》写于1980年。本书对中共早期领导人及许多重大事件提供了亲历资料。

China’s last imperial dynasty governed a vast and culturally diverse territory, encompassing a wide range of local political systems and regional elites. But the Qing empire was built and held together by a single imperial elite: the more than two million members of the hereditary Eight Banner system who were at the core of both the military and the bureaucracy. The banner population was multiethnic, linked by shared membership in a clearly demarcated status group defined in law and administrative practice. Banner people were bound to the court by an exchange of loyal service for institutionalized privilege, a relationship symbolically conceptualized as one of slave to master.

Slaves of the Emperor explores the Qing approach to one of the fundamental challenges of early modern state-building: how to develop an effective bureaucracy with increasing administrative capacity to govern a growing polity while retaining the loyalty of the ruling family’s most important supporters. David C. Porter traces how the banner system created a service elite through its processes of incorporating new members, its employment of bannermen as technical specialists, its imposition of service obligations on women as well as men, and its response to fiscal and ideological challenges. Placing Qing practices in comparative perspective, he uncovers crucial parallels to similar institutions in Tokugawa Japan, imperial Russia, and the Ottoman Empire. Slaves of the Emperor provides a new framework for understanding the structure and function of elites both in China and elsewhere in Eurasia in the early modern period.