This book challenges traditional notions of American party politics and political culture. Usually, American politics is looked upon as relatively consensual and nonideological. Professor Gerring argues, instead, that the major parties have articulated views that were coherent, differentiated, and stable. American party history, and by extension American political history at-large, has been irreducibly ideological. The argument rests on evidence provided by election rhetoric - speeches, party platforms, and other campaign tracts disseminated by party leaders during presidential campaigns. With these texts Professor Gerring traces the values, beliefs, and issue-positions which have defined party life from the 1830s to the 1990s. Party Ideologies in America, 1828-1996 thus presents an historical synthesis of mainstream party politics from the birth of competitive parties to the present day.

《世界权力的转移：政治领导与战略竞争》：
（1）理论创新，借鉴了中国古代的政治思想，特别是有关道义取向与领导类型之间关系的认识，因此被国际学界称为道义现实主义。
（2）对中国的崛起战略提出建议，建议中国选择王道的崛起战略。

《现代政治的思想与行动》是日本著名政治思想史学者丸山真男的代表著作之一，收录了作者自第二次世界大战结束之后约十年间发表的有关政治学及现代政治问题的主要论文。丸山被称为日本战后最著名的思想家、政治哲学家，他对日本现实政治的分析和看法，基本构成了战后日本政治学的走向，也由此诞生出“丸山学派”。
本书初版1957年由日本未来社出版，1964年出版增补版，删去之前的两篇文章，第三卷增加了两章，并在旧版追记上增加了新的注解，更便于读者的阅读和理解。增补版至今重印160多次，经久不衰。

Did Supreme Court sell out America's citizens in the nineteenth century, with consequences lasting to this day? Is there a way for American citizens to recover democracy of, by, and for the people? Thom Hartmann takes on these most difficult questions and tells a startling story that will forever change your understanding of American history. Amongst a deep historical context, Hartmann describes the history of the Fourteenth Amendment created at the end of the Civil War to grant basic rights to freed slaves and how it has been used by lawyers representing corporate interests to extend additional rights to businesses far more frequently than to freed slaves. Prior to 1886, corporations were referred to in U.S. law as 'artificial persons.' But in 1886, after a series of cases brought by lawyers representing the expanding railroad interests, the Supreme Court ruled that corporations were 'persons' and entitled to the same rights granted to people under the Bill of Rights. Since this ruling, America has lost the legal structures that allowed for people to control corporate behavior. In this revised and expanded second edition, Hartmann incorporates specific examples from today's headlines and proposes specific legal remedies that could truly save the world from political, economic and ecological disaster.

http://peterturchin.com/ages-of-discord/
Seventy percent of Americans (and counting) think so. The inflation-adjusted wage of a US worker today is less than 40 years ago—but there are four times as many multimillionaires. As inequality grows, the infrastructure frays and the politics become more poisonous. Every year, more and more Americans go on shooting sprees, killing strangers and passers-by—and now, increasingly, the representatives of the state.
Troubling trends of this kind are endlessly discussed by politicians, public intellectuals, and social scientists. But mostly, they talk about only a small slice of the overall problem. After all, how on earth can yet another murderous rampage have anything to do with polarization in Congress? And is there really a connection between too many multimillionaires and government gridlock?
Historical analysis shows that long spells of equitable prosperity and internal peace are succeeded by protracted periods of inequity, increasing misery, and political instability. These crisis periods—“Ages of Discord”—tend to share characteristic features, identifiable in many societies throughout history. Modern Americans, for example, may be disconcerted to learn that the US right now has much in common with the Antebellum 1850s and, even more surprisingly, with ancien régime France on the eve of the French Revolution. Can it really be true that our troubled age is nothing new, and that it arises periodically for similar underlying reasons? It can. Ages of Discord marshals a cohesive theory and detailed historical data to show that this is, indeed, the case. The book takes the reader on a roller-coaster ride through American history, from the Era of Good Feelings of the 1820s to our first Age of Discord, which culminated in the American Civil War, to post-WW2 prosperity and, finally, to our present, second Age of Discord.
Unlike societies in the past, however, we are in a unique position to take steps to escape the worst. Societal breakdown and the ensuing wave of violence can be avoided by taking collective, cooperative action. The structural-demographic theory, explained in this book, helps us understand why demographic, social, and political trends changed direction from favorable to unfavorable in America around the 1970s. Such understanding is the key to developing reforms that would reverse these negative trends and move us to a more equitable, prosperous, and peaceful society.

Many historical processes are dynamic. Populations grow and decline. Empires expand and collapse. Religions spread and wither. Natural scientists have made great strides in understanding dynamical processes in the physical and biological worlds using a synthetic approach that combines mathematical modeling with statistical analyses. Taking up the problem of territorial dynamics - why some polities at certain times expand and at other times contract - this book shows that a similar research program can advance our understanding of dynamical processes in history. Peter Turchin develops hypotheses from a wide range of social, political, economic, and demographic factors: geopolitics, factors affecting collective solidarity, dynamics of ethnic assimilation/religious conversion, and the interaction between population dynamics and sociopolitical stability. He then translates these into a spectrum of mathematical models, investigates the dynamics predicted by the models, and contrasts model predictions with empirical patterns. Turchin's highly instructive empirical tests demonstrate that certain models predict empirical patterns with a very high degree of accuracy. For instance, one model accounts for the recurrent waves of state breakdown in medieval and early modern Europe. And historical data confirm that ethno-nationalist solidarity produces an aggressively expansive state under certain conditions (such as in locations where imperial frontiers coincide with religious divides). The strength of Turchin's results suggests that the synthetic approach he advocates can significantly improve our understanding of historical dynamics.

“在知识的意义上，西方也是中国的一部分。”

“对西方而言，现在的中国已经不只是中国问题专家关注的对象，也正在成为他们知识思想发展的一个不容忽视的参照。”

本书为刘擎教授自2003年到2019年撰写的西方知识界年度回顾，致力于从“内部视角”去观察西方，并为当今中国的公共讨论提供相关背景和线索。作者围绕重要的思想争端、事件和书籍，从政治发展趋势、意识形态和文化领域等方面，呈现西方世界在20世纪前二十年的思想图景。同时，书中还收录作者重要的演讲和访谈，从总体上评估全球秩序的困境与未来、西方社会的现状和主流趋势，探讨世界主义与身份政治之间的关系。

本书主要考察中央地方关系在当代中国的变迁过程及其与城镇化和社会发展方面的联系。在大量经验调查和理论研究的基础上，本书指出，二十世纪八十年代的财政包干制和九十年代的分税制是理解中央地方关系变迁的关键要素。财政包干制为地方政府“大办企业”和快速的地方工业化提供了激励，而分税制则促使地方政府发生了由“经营企业”到“经营土地”和“经营城市”的转向。本书从土地指标获取和城镇化模式两个方面分析了中央地方关系的变化对地方政府行为的深刻影响，为我们理解当代中国的经济社会发展提供了一种较有洞察力的视角。

中国的改革开放30年间，华夏大地上演了一场人类历史上的伟大变迁，世人称之为“中国奇迹”。中国发展的历史记录、经验不同于西方国家，鉴于此，现有西方经济学理论就不能完整地解释中国发展。本书正是从政治经济学的角度出发，探究中国国情的特殊性与发展道路的独特性，并在此基础上分析中国在改革三十年中所经历的变革和转型过程。

Selected by Choice as a 2003 Outstanding Academic Title
Selected by the American Library Association (ALA) as one of "The Best of the Best from the University Presses: Books You Should Know About," 2003
Selected as an outstanding book by University Press Books for Public and Secondary School Libraries
In this provocative book, one of our most eminent political scientists poses the question, “Why should we uphold our constitution?” The vast majority of Americans venerate the American Constitution and the principles it embodies, but many also worry that the United States has fallen behind other nations on crucial democratic issues, including economic equality, racial integration, and women’s rights. Robert Dahl explores this vital tension between the Americans’ belief in the legitimacy of their constitution and their belief in the principles of democracy.
Dahl starts with the assumption that the legitimacy of the American Constitution derives solely from its utility as an instrument of democratic governance. Dahl demonstrates that, due to the context in which it was conceived, our constitution came to incorporate significant antidemocratic elements. Because the Framers of the Constitution had no relevant example of a democratic political system on which to model the American government, many defining aspects of our political system were implemented as a result of short-sightedness or last-minute compromise. Dahl highlights those elements of the American system that are most unusual and potentially antidemocratic: the federal system, the bicameral legislature, judicial review, presidentialism, and the electoral college system.
The political system that emerged from the world’s first great democratic experiment is unique—no other well-established democracy has copied it. How does the American constitutional system function in comparison to other democratic systems? How could our political system be altered to achieve more democratic ends? To what extent did the Framers of the Constitution build features into our political system that militate against significant democratic reform?
Refusing to accept the status of the American Constitution as a sacred text, Dahl challenges us all to think critically about the origins of our political system and to consider the opportunities for creating a more democratic society.

关于中国国家的治理逻辑，本书主要沿着两条脉络进行探讨：一是中央权威与地方政府之间的关系，这体现在各级政府体制的制度设施和行为方式；一是国家与民众之间的关系，这体现在国家与社会群体的相互影响上。本书从学术上推进了当前国内的国家治理研究，并为社会科学研究者提供了一种可以参照 的研究路径和视角。