Mr. Barnard has made a masterly contribution in his realistic treatment of such topics as informal organization, incentives, and the moral aspects of leadership.
--Harvard Business Review

From the ranks of the country's leading executives comes a major contribution to the understanding of our society... The author presents an analysis of the nature of business organizations and the functions of executives in them. He has been able to stand apart from the minutiae 0f his everyday experiences and to view them as part of the orderly functioning of the organization as a whole ... The work has important implications, for it points the 'way to the development of more effective co-operative systems and at the same time to the developiiient and communication of the executive techniques essential to such systems.
--The American Journal of Sociology

One of the contemporary classics on administration. It has contributed a great deal to organization theory. Often quoted, it is a basic work by a successful executive.
--Business Management

Alchian has made important contributions to the economic analysis of inflation and unemployment and to the theory of costs and of the firm. He has played the leading role in the development of a theory of property rights. His writing is distinguished by his ability to disentangle the essential from the trivial and, above all, by his skill in showing how the same basic economic forces are at working in a wide variety of apparently completely different social settings.

Microeconomic Foundations I develops the choice, price, and general equilibrium theory topics typically found in first-year theory sequences, but in deeper and more complete mathematical form than most standard texts provide. The objective is to take the reader from acquaintance with these foundational topics to something closer to mastery of the models and results connected to them.
Provides a rigorous treatment of some of the basic tools of economic modeling and reasoning, along with an assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of these tools
Complements standard texts
Covers choice, preference, and utility; structural properties of preferences and utility functions; basics of consumer demand; revealed preference and Afriat's Theorem; choice under uncertainty; dynamic choice; social choice and efficiency; competitive and profit-maximizing firms; expenditure minimization; demand theory (duality methods); producer and consumer surplus; aggregation; general equilibrium; efficiency and the core; GET, time, and uncertainty; and other topics
Features a free web-based student's guide, which gives solutions to approximately half the problems, and a limited-access instructor's manual, which provides solutions to the rest of the problems
Contains appendixes that review most of the specific mathematics employed in the book, including a from-first-principles treatment of dynamic programming

Written by two of the field's most respected researchers, Modern Industrial Organization goes beyond the traditional structure-conduct-performance framework by using the latest advances in microeconomic theory, including transaction cost analysis, game theory, contestability, and information economics. Fully updated to reflect new trends and topics, the Fourth Edition focuses on providing students with a clear, unified structure for analyzing theories and empirical evidence about the organization of firms and industries.

International trade has shaped the modern world, yet until now no single book has been available for both economists and general readers that traces the history of the international economy from its earliest beginnings to the present day. "Power and Plenty" fills this gap, providing the first full account of world trade and development over the course of the last millennium. Ronald Findlay and Kevin O'Rourke examine the successive waves of globalization and 'deglobalization' that have occurred during the past thousand years, looking closely at the technological and political causes behind these long-term trends. They show how the expansion and contraction of the world economy has been directly tied to the two-way interplay of trade and geopolitics, and how war and peace have been critical determinants of international trade over the very long run. The story they tell is sweeping in scope, one that links the emergence of the Western economies with economic and political developments throughout Eurasia centuries ago. Drawing extensively upon empirical evidence and informing their systematic analysis with insights from contemporary economic theory, Findlay and O'Rourke demonstrate the close interrelationships of trade and warfare, the mutual interdependence of the world's different regions, and the crucial role these factors have played in explaining modern economic growth. "Power and Plenty" is a must-read for anyone seeking to understand the origins of today's international economy, the forces that continue to shape it, and the economic and political challenges confronting policymakers in the twenty-first century.

本书介绍了很多经典有趣的行为实验, 指出我们在什么情况下可以相信自己的直觉, 什么时候不能相信;指导我们如何在商场, 职场和个人生活中做出更好的选择, 以及如何运用不同技巧来避免那些常常使我们陷入麻烦的思维失误.

More than a century before Alan Greenspan coined the phrase 'irrational exuberance' to describe the speculative bubble inflating technology stocks, Charles Mackay was recording the history of 'tulipomania', a speculative madness surrounding the value of tulips in the 18th century that was the ruin of many Dutch and English investors. This is only one of the 'extraordinary popular delusions' documented by Mackay in a fascinating study of group psychology. He also describes notorious witch hunts, haunted houses, the Crusades, beliefs in fortune tellers and in the magical power of alchemy, veneration of relics, bogus health cures and health scares, and many other examples of human credulity and flights from reason. This work is a true classic in the study of paranormal beliefs, a funny, shocking, and unbelievable yet true history of human gullibility.

《这个时代的无知与傲慢:索罗斯给开放社会的建言》内容简介：索罗斯是当代西方著名的哲学家卡尔波普的学生，他的思想和世界观深受其哲学思想影响。他在《这个时代的无知与傲慢:索罗斯给开放社会的建言》一书中谈到了其对人类行为的易错性，思维与真相等问题的理解，认为“我们身处一个不完美的社会，人类行为具有彻底的易错性”，试图从认识论层面重新激发人们对当今世界的看法。
索罗斯还在书中谈到了自己对911事件、反恐战争、以及美国民主自由世界观的看法，针砭时弊地指出这个时代缺陷———暴政、暴戾、无知以及傲慢；同时，也提出了他对开放世界的谏言。

Blinded by a concept
11:06 AM PDT, August 31, 2006
The failure of Israel to subdue Hezbollah demonstrates the many weaknesses of the war-on-terror concept. One of those weaknesses is that even if the targets are terrorists, the victims are often innocent civilians, and their suffering reinforces the terrorist cause.
In response to Hezbollah's attacks, Israel was justified in attacking Hezbollah to protect itself against the threat of missiles on its border. However, Israel should have taken greater care to minimize collateral damage. The civilian casualties and material damage inflicted on Lebanon inflamed Muslims and world opinion against Israel and converted Hezbollah from aggressors to heroes of resistance for many. Weakening Lebanon has also made it more difficult to rein in Hezbollah.
Another weakness of the war-on-terror concept is that it relies on military action and rules out political approaches. Israel previously withdrew from Lebanon and then from Gaza unilaterally, rather than negotiating political settlements with the Lebanese government and the Palestinian authority. The strengthening of Hezbollah and Hamas was a direct consequence of that approach. The war-on-terror concept stands in the way of recognizing this fact because it separates "us" from "them" and denies that our actions help shape their behavior.
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A third weakness is that the war-on-terror concept lumps together different political movements that use terrorist tactics. It fails to distinguish between Hamas, Hezbollah, Al Qaeda or the Sunni insurrection and the Mahdi militia in Iraq. Yet all these terrorist manifestations, being different, require different responses. Neither Hamas nor Hezbollah can be treated merely as targets in the war on terror because they have deep roots in their societies; yet there are profound differences between them.
Looking back, it is easy to see where Israeli policy went wrong. When Mahmoud Abbas was elected president of the Palestinian Authority, Israel should have gone out of its way to strengthen him and his reformist team. When Israel withdrew from Gaza, the former head of the World Bank, James Wolfensohn, negotiated a six-point plan on behalf of the Quartet for the Middle East (Russia, the United States, the European Union and the United Nations). It included opening crossings between Gaza and the West Bank, an airport and seaport in Gaza, opening the border with Egypt, and transferring the greenhouses abandoned by Israeli settlers into Arab hands.
None of the six points was implemented. This contributed to Hamas?s electoral victory. The Bush administration, having pushed Israel to allow the Palestinians to hold elections, then backed Israel?s refusal to deal with a Hamas government. The effect was to impose further hardship on the Palestinians.
Nevertheless, Abbas was able to forge an agreement with the political arm of Hamas for the formation of a unity government. It was to foil this agreement that the military branch of Hamas, run from Damascus, engaged in the provocation that brought a heavy-handed response from Israel - which in turn incited Hezbollah to further provocation, opening a second front. That is how extremists play off against each other to destroy any chance of political progress.
Israel has been a participant in this game, and President Bush bought into this flawed policy, uncritically supporting Israel. Events have shown that this policy leads to the escalation of violence. The process has advanced to the point where Israel's unquestioned military superiority is no longer sufficient to overcome the negative consequences of its policy.
Israel is now more endangered in it existence that it was at the time of the Oslo Agreement on peace. Similarly, The United States has become less safe since President Bush declared war on terror.
The time has come to realize that the present policies are counterproductive. There will be no end to the vicious circle of escalating violence without a political settlement of the Palestine question. In fact, the prospects for engaging in negotiations are better now than they were a few months ago. The Israelis must realize that a military deterrent is not sufficient on its own. And Arabs, having redeemed themselves on the battlefield, may be more willing to entertain a compromise.
There are strong voices arguing that Israel must never negotiate from a position of weakness. They are wrong. Israel?s position is liable to become weaker the longer it persists on its present course. Similarly Hezbollah, having tasted the sense but not the reality of victory (and egged on by Syria and Iran) may prove recalcitrant. But that is where the difference between Hezbollah and Hamas comes into play. The Palestinian people yearn for peace and relief from suffering. The political - as distinct from the military - wing of Hamas must be responsive to their desires. It is not too late for Israel to encourage and deal with an Abbas-led Palestinian unity government as the first step toward a better-balanced approach. Given how strong the U.S.-Israeli relationship is, it would help Israel achieve its own legitimate aims if the U.S. government were not blinded by the war-on-terror concept.

In his scathing The Theory of the Leisure Class , Thorstein Veblen produced a landmark study of affluent American society that exposes, with brilliant ruthlessness, the habits of production and waste that link invidious business tactics and barbaric social behavior. Veblen's analysis of the evolutionary process sees greed as the overriding motive in the modern economy, and with an impartial gaze he examines the human cost paid when social institutions exploit the consumption of unessential goods for the sake of personal profit. Fashion, beauty, animals, sports, the home, the clergy, scholars--all are assessed for their true usefulness and found wanting. Indeed, Veblen's critique covers all aspects of modern life from dress, class, the position of women, home decoration, industry, business, and sport, to religion, scholarship, and education. The targets of Veblen's coruscating satire are as evident today as they were a century ago, and his book still has the power to shock and enlighten. Martha Banta's introduction illuminates Veblen's uncompromising arguments as it highlights the literary force of Veblen's writing and its influence on later American writers such as Edith Wharton, Henry James, Dos Passos, and F. Scott Fitzgerald. She also sheds light on his critique of the plight of women and his evolutionary arguments as they relate to modern society.

The perfect books for the true book lover, Penguinas Great Ideas series features twelve more groundbreaking works by some of historyas most prodigious thinkers. Each volume is beautifully packaged with a unique type-driven design that highlights the bookmakeras art. Offering great literature in great packages at great prices, this series is ideal for those readers who want to explore and savor the Great Ideas that have shaped our world.

本书的主旨在于讨论作为现代生活中一个经济因素的有闲阶级的地位和价值，但是要把讨论严格地限制在这样标明的范围以内是办不到的。因此关于制度的起源和演进以及一般不列入经济学范围以内的一些社会生活特征，这里也不得不给以相当的注意。

《炫耀性消费(英汉双语)》的作者通过研究制度的起源，观察社会上的经济现象，尤其是上层阶层的有闲特权与消费特征，来探讨制度与经济现象之间的奥妙关系。书中对社会现象、消费行为、人类心理的剖析入木三分，阐明了习惯、文化和制度如何塑造人类行为，以及人类行为的变化怎样影响经济。同时又从有闲阶级的角度出发，阐明了这样一个主旨：什么是经济人的本质？社会为什么会产生有闲阶级？“有闲”本身的经济意义是什么？100多年过去了，相似的经济现象在世界各地，包括经济迅速发展的中国上演不衰，诸如人们对金融投资的热衷，对教育文化的重视，对时尚品牌的追逐，对享乐主义的崇尚……这本百年经典同样可以解释今天你我身边的经济现象。

Neoliberalism--the doctrine that market exchange is an ethic in itself, capable of acting as a guide for all human action--has become dominant in both thought and practice throughout much of the world since 1970 or so. Writing for a wide audience, David Harvey, author of The New Imperialism
and The Condition of Postmodernity, here tells the political-economic story of where neoliberalization came from and how it proliferated on the world stage. Through critical engagement with this history, he constructs a framework, not only for analyzing the political and economic dangers that now
surround us, but also for assessing the prospects for the more socially just alternatives being advocated by many oppositional movements.