《他者中的华人：中国近现代移民史》以大历史、大叙事的手笔，将中国移民走向世界的五百年历史，融会贯通于同期世界格局发展变化的大框架中，读来令人领悟深远。更重要的是，孔教授在展示全球华人移民五百年历史精彩画卷的基础上，有力论证了其重要观点: 海外华人历史是中国历史的题中应有之意，是研究中国历史不可或缺的组成部分。由是，海外华人研究被提升到新的境界。
从殖民统治者到被奴役的臣民，从独立后民族国家执掌大权的统治集团到洋溢民族主义激情的知识精英；从颐指气使的大富豪到埋头养家糊口的升斗小民，“华人”与周边“他者”之间呈现出错综复杂的互动关系。作为外来者，海外华人需要认识了解“他者”并与之共生共存；而后者同样也时时刻刻审视着这些远道而来的异乡人：他们是可以和平相处、共谋发展的新朋友，还是居心叵测的异类？他们究竟是带来新的利益和机会，还是潜在的麻烦制造者，或者简直就是不共戴天的敌人？漫漫数百年，移民与本地人互为“他者”，彼此之间有理解有依存，但也有竞争有对抗。在《他者中的华人：中国近现代移民史》一书中，孔教授再度展示了他在《叫魂》中熟练运用的社会心理剖析法，对华人移民置身其中的“他者”条分缕析。

《"故乡"与"他乡"》内容简介华侨华人研究是一个世界范围的学术研究领域，而归侨及华侨农场研究是其不可或缺的一个门类。世界上有数千万华侨华人，分布在100多个不同国家。由于国际政治经济形势变化及其他原因，有一部分人又返回祖国，形成一个特殊的社会群体：归侨。笔者研究的分析基础是归侨社区的多元结构和群体关系，而社会变迁及文化适应则为其论述的展开提供了令人折服的研究视角。她成功的基本条件是广泛的文献阅读、深入的田野调查和敏锐的学术思索，但最终动力则是对人类学社会结构理论与文化动态理论的深刻领悟和交叉应用。

Populist forces are becoming increasingly relevant across the world, and studies on populism have entered the mainstream of the political science discipline. However, so far no book has synthesized the ongoing debate on how to study the populist phenomenon. This handbook provides state of the art research and scholarship on populism, and lays out, not only the cumulated knowledge on populism, but also the ongoing discussions and research gaps on this topic.
IThe Oxford Handbook of Populism is divided into four sections. The first presents the main conceptual approaches on populism and points out how the phenomenon in question can be empirically analyzed. The second focuses on populist forces across the world and includes chapters on Africa, Australia and New Zealand, Central and Eastern Europe, East Asia, India, Latin America, the Post-Soviet States, the United States, and Western Europe. The third reflects on the interaction between populism and various relevant issues both from a scholarly and political point of view. Amongst other issues, chapters analyze the relationship between populism and fascism, foreign policy, gender, nationalism, political parties, religion, social movements and technocracy. Finally, the fourth part includes some of the most recent normative debates on populism, including chapters on populism and cosmopolitanism, constitutionalism, hegemony, the history of popular sovereignty, the idea of the people, and socialism.
The handbook features contributions from leading experts in the field, and is indispensible, positioning the study of populism in political science.

Using ceremonials such as imperial weddings and funerals as models, T. Fujitani illustrates what visual symbols and rituals reveal about monarchy, nationalism, city planning, discipline, gender, memory, and modernity. Focusing on the Meiji Period (1868-1912), Fujitani brings recent methods of cultural history to a study of modern Japanese nationalism for the first time.

Michael Billig presents a major challenge to orthodox conceptions of nationalism in this elegantly written book. While traditional theorizing has tended to the focus on extreme expressions of nationalism, the author turns his attention to the everyday, less visible forms which are neither exotic or remote, he describes as 'banal nationalism'. The author asks why people do not forget their national identity. He suggests that in daily life nationalism is constantly flagged in the media through routine symbols and habits of language. Banal Nationalism is critical of orthodox theories in sociology, politics and social psychology for ignoring this core feature of national identity. Michael Billig argues forcefully that with nationalism continuing to be a major ideological force in the contemporary world, it is all the more important to recognize those signs of nationalism which are so familiar that they are easily overlooked.

Taking aim at the conventional narrative that standard, national languages transform "peasants" into citizens, Gina Anne Tam centers the history of the Chinese nation and national identity on fangyan - languages like Shanghainese, Cantonese, and dozens of others that are categorically different from the Chinese national language, Mandarin. She traces how, on the one hand, linguists, policy-makers, bureaucrats and workaday educators framed fangyan as non-standard "variants" of the Chinese language, subsidiary in symbolic importance to standard Mandarin. She simultaneously highlights, on the other hand, the folksong collectors, playwrights, hip-hop artists and popular protestors who argued that fangyan were more authentic and representative of China's national culture and its history. From the late Qing through the height of the Maoist period, these intertwined visions of the Chinese nation - one spoken in one voice, one spoken in many - interacted and shaped one another, and in the process, shaped the basis for national identity itself.

China is a vast nation comprised of hundreds of distinct ethnic communities, each with its own language, history, and culture. Today the government of China recognizes just 56 ethnic nationalities, or minzu, as groups entitled to representation. This controversial new book recounts the history of the most sweeping attempt to sort and categorize the nation's enormous population: the 1954 Ethnic Classification project (minzu shibie). Thomas S. Mullaney draws on recently declassified material and extensive oral histories to describe how the communist government, in power less than a decade, launched this process in ethnically diverse Yunnan. Mullaney shows how the government drew on Republican-era scholarship for conceptual and methodological inspiration as it developed a strategy for identifying minzu and how non-Party-member Chinese ethnologists produced a "scientific" survey that would become the basis for a policy on nationalities.

Eric Hobsbawm's brilliant enquiry into the question of nationalism won further acclaim for his 'colossal stature ... his incontrovertible excellence as an historian, and his authoritative and highly readable prose'. Recent events in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet republics have since reinforced the central importance of nationalism in the history of political evolution and upheaval. This second edition has been updated in the light of those events, with a final chapter addressing the impact of the dramatic changes that have taken place. It also includes additional maps to illustrate nationalities, languages and political divisions across Europe in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

在20世纪，民族国家主导了各种政体和民族的组织方式和身份认同，其权威性和力量非其他的观念可比，与其他时代也很不相同。一个没有民族国家概念的世界，或者不是以民族国家为区分单位的地球是很难想像的。民族国家成功地证明了它组织世界的能力，将社会团体限制在其疆域内，屏蔽了所有可能质疑事物当前状态的观念。
随着全球化的爆炸性发展，民族国家似乎正面临衰退的命运。但《民族的构建》的作者们发现，这种“民族国家衰退论”更多代表着西方人的想法，而不是亚洲人的。对亚洲人而言，在整个19世纪和20世纪，国家的边界已经从很多方面被渗透了：帝国主义的军事侵略，外国政府的殖民统治，传教士的宗教劝导，在国外关税法则管理下的大规模贸易和对外国文化的追捧。这些力量既渗透了也勾画着国家边界线，它所形成的疆域正是民族身份认同所依据的地理空间。亚洲民族的现代史与全球化或者说帝国主义的历史是分不开的，而且这还远未结束。
但这并不意味着东西方关系是亚洲民族国家和民族主义出现的唯一动因。民族大业的兴起，往往与亚洲内部的张力相关，而不是因为亚洲与西方之间千丝万缕的联系。世界体系也许推动了争取现代民族身份认同的斗争，但并没有设定这些斗争的结果。

This 2002 study examines the process by which the seemingly impossible in 1987 - the disintegration of the Soviet state - became the seemingly inevitable by 1991, providing an original interpretation not only of the Soviet collapse, but also of the phenomenon of nationalism more generally. Probing the role of nationalist action as both cause and effect, Beissinger utilizes data and case studies from across the USSR during its final years to elicit the shifting relationship between pre-existing structural conditions, institutional constraints, and event-generated influences in the nationalist explosions that brought about the collapse of the Soviet Union. As Beissinger demonstrates, the 'tidal' context of nationalism - i.e., the transnational influence of one nationalism upon another - is critical to an explanation of the success and failure of particular nationalisms, why some nationalisms turn violent, and how a crescendo of events can overwhelm states, periodically evoking large-scale structural change in the character of the state system.

Despite a quarter-century of constructivist theorizing in the social sciences and humanities, ethnic groups continue to be conceived as entities and cast as actors. Journalists, policymakers, and researchers routinely frame accounts of ethnic, racial, and national conflict as the struggles of internally homogeneous, externally bounded ethnic groups, races, and nations. In doing so, they unwittingly adopt the language of participants in such struggles, and contribute to the reification of ethnic groups. In this timely and provocative volume, Rogers Brubaker--well known for his work on immigration, citizenship, and nationalism--challenges this pervasive and commonsense "groupism." But he does not simply revert to standard constructivist tropes about the fluidity and multiplicity of identity. Once a bracing challenge to conventional wisdom, constructivism has grown complacent, even cliched. That ethnicity is constructed is commonplace; this volume provides new insights into how it is constructed. By shifting the analytical focus from identity to identifications, from groups as entities to group-making projects, from shared culture to categorization, from substance to process, Brubaker shows that ethnicity, race, and nation are not things in the world but perspectives on the world: ways of seeing, interpreting, and representing the social world.

Acclaimed historian Margaret MacMillan explores here the many ways in which history affects us all. She shows how a deeper engagement with history, both as individuals and in the sphere of public debate, can help us understand ourselves and the world better. But she also warns that history can be misused and lead to misunderstanding. History is used to justify religious movements and political campaigns alike. Dictators may suppress history because it undermines their ideas, agendas, or claims to absolute authority. Nationalists may tell false, one-sided, or misleading stories about the past. Political leaders might mobilize their people by telling lies. It is imperative that we have an understanding of the past and avoid these and other common traps in thinking to which many fall prey. This brilliantly reasoned work, alive with incident and figures both great and infamous, will compel us to examine history anew—and skillfully illuminates why it is important to treat the past with care.

Modern-day Europeans by the millions proudly trace back their national identities to the Celts, Franks, Gauls, Goths, Huns, or Serbs - or some combination of the various peoples who inhabited, traversed, or pillaged their continent more than a thousand years ago. According to Patrick Geary, this is historical nonsense. The idea that national character is fixed for all time in a simpler, distant past is groundless, he argues in this unflinching reconsideration of European nationhood. Few of the peoples that many Europeans honor as sharing their sense of "nation" had comparably homogeneous identities; even the Huns, he points out, were firmly united only under Attila's ten-year reign.Geary dismantles the nationalist myths about how the nations of Europe were born. Through rigorous analysis set in lucid prose, he contrasts the myths with the actual history of Europe's transformation between the fourth and ninth centuries - the period of grand migrations that nationalists hold dear. The nationalist sentiments today increasingly taken for granted in Europe emerged, he argues, only in the nineteenth century. Ironically, this phenomenon was kept alive not just by responsive populations - but by complicit scholars. Ultimately, Geary concludes, the actual formation of European peoples must be seen as an extended process that began in antiquity and continues in the present.The resulting image is a challenge to those who anchor contemporary antagonisms in ancient myths - to those who claim that immigration and tolerance toward minorities despoil "nationhood." As Geary shows, such ideologues - whether Le Pens who champion "the French people born with the baptism of Clovis in 496" or Milosevics who cite early Serbian history to claim rebellious regions - know their myths but not their history. "The Myth of Nations" will be intensely debated by all who understood that a history that does not change, that reduces the complexities of many centuries to a single, eternal moment, isn't history at all.

“中国人要用中国货！”这是中国20世纪早期的国货运动中的醒目标语之一。这场运动通过灌输中国是有着自己“国货”的“民族国家”的观念，寻求把消费与民族主义联系起来。这场运动影响了中国初萌的消费文化的方方面面，从衣服到食品添加剂这样的时尚、从博物馆到百货商店、从产品展览到广告，莫不如此。同时，反帝抵制外货运动、国耻纪念、国货展览会、对不忠实的消费者的诋毁以及中国工业部门的提倡，都强化了民族主义消费，并传布了这样的信息——爱国的中国人使用中国工人在中国人拥有并管理的工厂用中国原料制造的产品。
在本书中，葛凯（Karl Gerth）认为，影响近代（modern）世界的两大关键力量——民族主义（nationalism）和消费主义（consumerism）先后在中国滋长。在20世纪早期，民族主义把每件商品贴上“中国的”或“外国的” 标签，消费文化变成了民族性概念被清晰表达，被制度化及被实践的场所。本书以中文、日文和英语的档案，杂志、报纸和书籍为文献基础，第一次探讨了民族主义与消费主义之间的历史纽带，重新解释了中国近代史的基本方面，并为洞悉所有近代国家中的类似联系提出了方法上的参考。

以往欧美学术界在论述抗战前夕和抗日战争期间中国政府的作用时，多采用“史迪威模式”，把目光更多投向中外关系，特别是中美关系。本书作者认为应从中国社会本身来寻求答案，为此，在翻阅爬梳了大量原始档案和文献的基础上，对此项课题进行重新研究，提出了不少新看法，供中国学界和一般的文史爱好者参考。
“在我的分析中强调四个主题。第一，我把战事和军事置于国民党历史的中心，这段历史从20世纪20年代中期作为一个附有武装力量的革命组织的崛起，直到1945年8月随日本投降而终止的抗日战争，到彼时为止，我相信其失败虽然不是不可避免的，却是可以预见的。……
第二，国民党民族主义的一项内容是驳斥将中国描绘成一种不尚武的文化。在19世纪末和20世纪初，西方认为中国不尚武、消极和落后的观点在中国内部被接受了。……
第三，虽然国民党人受到西方军事模式和文化批评的影响，他们并没有忘记中国自己的历史，他们的政策采纳了过去的传统。……
第四，我很重视地缘政治。一方面，这要求注意国民党自己在地缘政治方面的深谋远虑。在这一方面，从1935到1939年，国民党试图利用日本和中国东北有漫长边界的苏联之间的冲突……”

本书论述民族与民族主义在欧洲近两百年历史中的种种表现及其内涵之演变。作者回避了对民族的概念和标准等问题的纠缠，而是着重于它们的变迁与转型，并借助于民族主义的研究来说明民族问题的复杂性。欧洲近现代史是因民族主义兴起而重新拼制版图的历史，各种民族与民族主义的意识也影响到周边地区与殖民地，因此，民族与民族主义的发展演变构成了这段历史的主旋律。本书对了解民族与民族主义在世界范围内的发展演变状况具有很高的参考价值。

序言
导论
第一章 民族新义：从革命到自由主义
第二章 民众观点：民族主义原型
第三章 政府观点
第四章 民族主义转型：1870-1918
第五章 民族主义最高峰：1918-1950
第六章 20世纪晚期的民族主义
英汉译名表

Nationalism is one of the most powerful forces in the modern world, yet it is surprisingly little studied and only imperfectly understood, either by its adherents or its opponents. Its irruption into the modern world is often explained as a resurgence of primitive, atavistic instincts, or as a delusion fostered by a few theoreticians, politicians or propagandists.
The present volume interprets nationalism in terms of its social roots, which it locates in industrial social organization. A society that aims for affluence and economic growth, Professor Gellner argues, depends on innovation, occupational mobility, mass media, universal literacy, and education in a shared, standard idiom. Taken together these transform the relationship between culture and the state. The functioning of the society depends on an all-embracing educational system, tied to one culture and protected by a state identified with that culture. The principle one state, one culture makes itself felt, and political units which do not conform to it feel the strain in the form of nationalist activity. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
Table of Contents
About the Authors vii
About this Edition viii
Editor's Preface to the First Edition R. I. Moore, Founding Editor ix
Acknowledgements for the First Edition xi
Introduction John Breuilly xiii
1 Definitions 1
State and Nation 3
The Nation 5
2 Culture in Agrarian Society 8
Power and Culture in the Agro-literate Polity 9
Culture 11
The State in Agrarian Society 13
The Varieties of Agrarian Rulers 14
3 Industrial Society 19
The Society of Perpetual Growth 23
Social Genetics 29
The Age of Universal High Culture 34
4 The Transition to an Age of Nationalism 38
A Note on the Weakness of Nationalism 42
Wild and Garden Cultures 48
5 What is a Nation? 52
The Course of True Nationalism Never did Run Smooth 57
6 Social Entropy and Equality in Industrial Society 62
Obstacles to Entropy 63
Fissures and Barriers 72
A Diversity of Focus 73
7 A Typology of Nationalisms 85
The Varieties of Nationalist Experience 94
Diaspora Nationalism 98
8 The Future of Nationalism 106
Industrial Culture - One or Many? 110
9 Nationalism and Ideology 118
Who is for Nuremberg? 125
One Nation, One State 128
10 Conclusion 131
What is not being Said 131
Summary 133

本书分析了形成民族主义的各种力量，考察各个东南亚国家具体的民族主义表现并加以比较，最后提出为在冷战后遭受冷遇的民族主义正名，对东南亚、殖民主义和民族主义都有深刻的洞见。
“人文与社会译丛”秉承“激活思想，传承学术”之宗旨，以精良的选目，可靠的译文，赢得学术界和公众的广泛认可与好评，被认为是当今“最好的社科丛书之一”。

在过去的两个世纪中，民族主义浪潮席卷世界，给世界政治带来了巨大的冲击；如今，民族主义已成为当代国内外学术界的一个热点话题，但我们对民族主义的了解还是相当有限的。本书以欧美的经验为前提，通过考察民族主义的界定、民族主义的起因、民族主义的类型，集中讨论了关于民族主义的三个问题：第一，大多数学者都认为，民族主义不过是过去200年历史的产物，那么民族主义的起因究竟是什么？为何民族主义是现代的事务？第二，为什么民族主义在一些国家比在另一些国家更为盛行？第三，既然民族主义常常与可怕的暴力联系在一起，那么，有没有办法遏制其阴暗面呢？