A one-stop, no-nonsense introduction to the core of postmodern theory, particularly its impact on queer and gender studies. Nationally known gender activist Riki Wilchins combines straightforward prose with concrete examples from LGBT and feminist politics, as well as her own life, to guide the reader through the ideas that have forever altered our understanding of bodies, sex and desire. This is that rare postmodern theory book that combines accessibility, passion, personal experience and applied politics, noting at every turn why these ideas matter and how they can affect your daily life.</P>
Riki Wilchins is the founding executive director of the Gender Public Advocacy Coalition. The author of Read My Lips and GenderQueer. She was selected by Time magazine as one of "100 Civic Innovators for the 21st Century." </P>

中国古代帝国持续存在的君臣关系可细分为礼仪型与信－任型两类，后者亦是历史中“结构性的存在”，围绕它反复出现的言行构成历史中最为活跃与能动的力量。本文以西汉为例，具体到每个皇帝统治考察围绕此关系产生的建立、维持、废止与重构的过程，解释了此关系长存的背景与动因、来源与根基，以及此关系所激发的君臣言行如何引领西汉历史。文中力图围绕日常互动中呈现的君臣关系，重返历史现场，捕捉当时人的不同感觉，重新梳理西汉历史。尝试从“关系过程”与“关系的关系”两个角度增加一种认识中国历史的新思路，为超越史学中碎片化的实证研究与抽象的结构分析及两者间的疏离与对立提供一种可能的出路。这是一项参照社会学、人类学展开的具体历史研究。

本书选择“绿色GDP”、“污染转移”、“江河开发”、“水污染”等12个重大问题调查，以真实、客观、公正的视角深入研究和发现，用“点”的力量通观中国2006年的环境状况和问题，展示思考和探讨的空间和维度。

Excellence. Originality. Intelligence. Everyone in academia stresses quality. But what exactly is it, and how do professors identify it?
In the academic evaluation system known as “peer review,” highly respected professors pass judgment, usually confidentially, on the work of others. But only those present in the deliberative chambers know exactly what is said. Michèle Lamont observed deliberations for fellowships and research grants, and interviewed panel members at length. In How Professors Think, she reveals what she discovered about this secretive, powerful, peculiar world.
Anthropologists, political scientists, literary scholars, economists, historians, and philosophers don’t share the same standards. Economists prefer mathematical models, historians favor different kinds of evidence, and philosophers don’t care much if only other philosophers understand them. But when they come together for peer assessment, academics are expected to explain their criteria, respect each other’s expertise, and guard against admiring only work that resembles their own. They must decide: Is the research original and important? Brave, or glib? Timely, or merely trendy? Pro-diversity or interdisciplinary enough?
Judging quality isn’t robotically rational; it’s emotional, cognitive, and social, too. Yet most academics’ self-respect is rooted in their ability to analyze complexity and recognize quality, in order to come to the fairest decisions about that elusive god, “excellence.” In How Professors Think, Lamont aims to illuminate the confidential process of evaluation and to push the gatekeepers to both better understand and perform their role.

Epistemic Injustice explores the idea that there is a distinctively epistemic kind of injustice - injustice which consists in a wrong done to someone specifically in their capacity as a knower. Miranda Fricker distinguishes two forms of epistemic injustice: testimonial injustice and hermeneutical injustice. Testimonial injustice occurs when prejudice causes a hearer to give a deflated level of credibility to a speaker's word; as in the case where the police do not believe someone because he is black. Hermeneutical injustice, by contrast, occurs when a gap in collective interpretative resources puts someone at an unfair disadvantage when it comes to making sense of their social experiences. A central case of this sort of injustice is found in the example of a woman who suffers sexual harassment prior to the time when we acquired this critical concept, so that she cannot properly comprehend her own experience, let alone render it communicatively intelligible to others. In connection with each of these forms of epistemic injustice, Fricker develops the idea that our testimonial sensibility needs to incorporate a corrective, anti-prejudicial virtue that can be used to promote a more veridical and a more democratic epistemic practice. Epistemology as it has traditionally been pursued has been impoverished by the lack of any theoretical framework conducive to revealing the ethical and political aspects of our epistemic conduct. Epistemic Injustice shows that virtue epistemology provides a general epistemological idiom in which these issues can be fruitfully and forcefully discussed.

On April 26, 1986, Unit Four of the Chernobyl nuclear reactor exploded in then Soviet Ukraine. More than 3.5 million people in Ukraine alone, not to mention many citizens of surrounding countries, are still suffering the effects. "Life Exposed" is the first book to comprehensively examine the vexed political, scientific, and social circumstances that followed the disaster. Tracing the story from an initial lack of disclosure to post-Soviet democratizing attempts to compensate sufferers, Adriana Petryna uses anthropological tools to take us into a world whose social realities are far more immediate and stark than those described by policymakers and scientists. She asks: What happens to politics when state officials fail to inform their fellow citizens of real threats to life? What are the moral and political consequences of remedies available in the wake of technological disasters?Through extensive research in state institutions, clinics, laboratories, and with affected families and workers of the so-called Zone, Petryna illustrates how the event and its aftermath have not only shaped the course of an independent nation but have made health a negotiated realm of entitlement. She tracks the emergence of a "biological citizenship" in which assaults on health become the coinage through which sufferers stake claims for biomedical resources, social equity, and human rights. "Life Exposed" provides an anthropological framework for understanding the politics of emergent democracies, the nature of citizenship claims, and everyday forms of survival as they are interwoven with the profound changes that accompanied the collapse of the Soviet Union.

【内容简介】
“二战”后，扎根“民主”等世俗理念的民族解放运动在世界范围内风起云涌，然而一旦实现民族独立，新创设的国家制度与原则总会不可避免地面临来自宗教领域超乎寻常的激烈反扑。
美国首屈一指的政治思想家迈克尔•沃尔泽通过分析印度—印度教激进分子、以色列—极端正统派犹太教徒和弥赛亚犹太复国主义者、阿尔及利亚—伊斯兰教激进分子三个民族解放运动的现实困境，试图解释20世纪上述这一令人迷惑不解的政治趋向。在本书中，沃尔泽发问，为什么这些扎根世俗理念的民族解放运动未能将其宝贵的政治文化遗产传承至第二代、第三代？他还把当代世俗主义的困境与美国初期在世俗政治方面的成功进行比对，提出了一种支持“美国例外论”的观点，但同时也警告道：如今的美国可能已经不那么例外了。
···
【学者推荐】
迈克尔·沃尔泽天赋异禀，他用自己的雄辩、谦和与道德感将历史上三个难以忘怀的失败故事转化成了悖论与希望的故事。这本书精彩地发出了再造世俗民主的呼唤，沃尔泽指明了前进的方向。
——南希·L.罗森布卢姆，哈佛大学政府学院院长
在这本颇有新意的书中，迈克尔·沃尔泽提出了一种大胆的见解：由于民族解放运动醉心于世俗的抱负，忽视了传统的宗教和民族立场，为此付出了巨大代价。在解放斗争胜利数十年之后，这些强大的力量杀了回来，与解放运动纠缠。沃尔泽的观点可谓一针见血。
——伊恩·夏皮罗，耶鲁大学政治科学教授、麦克米兰中心主任
为什么世俗的解放运动会招致带宗教性质的反扑，这一成问题的潮流是不是无法避免？通过分析阿尔及利亚、印度、以色列，迈克尔·沃尔泽深刻而扼要地回答了这个迫在眉睫的问题。
——玛莎·C.努斯鲍姆，美国著名哲学家
迈克尔·沃尔泽是政治哲学中的巨匠，《解放的悖论》是他最重要的作品之一：入木三分、胆大心细、切中时弊、思想坚定、文笔明快。
——保罗·伯曼，《恐怖与自由主义》和《知识分子的逃亡》作者
民族主义始终是现代政治中一股最强劲的意识形态力量。《解放的悖论》表明：解放运动怎样走到了自身的对立面……当我们的政治充斥着无聊和轻浮时，迈克尔·沃尔泽提醒我们这个问题非常重要。
——史蒂文·B.史密斯，耶鲁大学政府学与哲学教授
直指民族主义的核心，就解放运动所塑造的三个社会中最迫切的问题进行了探讨。《解放的悖论》在深度和广度上，都堪称一本最出色的作品。
——泽夫·施特恩赫尔，以色列历史学家、政治学家
（本书）足以证明沃尔泽“当代美国最著名的政治思想家”的卓越地位。
——理查德·沃林，《东风》作者，美国政治思想家
···
【编辑推荐】
◆当代最著名的政治思想家、普林斯顿高等研究院社会科学荣休教授迈克尔·沃尔泽在社会伦理、分配正义、政治革命等领域声名卓著。
◆本书追溯了将阿尔及利亚、印度和以色列民族解放运动激发出的世俗和民主希望引入歧途的社会与文化因素，并犀利地指出解放的蓝图已走向了自身的对立面。作者以晓畅易懂的文字厘清了相关事件的历史渊源，在宗教冲突和恐怖武装不断发生的今天，本书也极具现实意义和指导意义。
◆本书收录于三辉图书策划的“倾向与可能”书系，该书系汇集迈克尔·沃尔泽、本尼德克特·安德森、约翰·邓恩、查尔斯·泰勒等当今世界的一流头脑，他们试图用历史的经验和政治的知识，为今天的困难提供部分开放的讨论，这些讨论并没有最终的结果，然而其中所蕴含的视角和线索，每一个都充满深刻的洞见和面对真相的勇气。三辉将这些洞见和勇气集合在这里，奉献给所有愿意为当下和未来努力的汉语读者。

"Not long ago, people did not worry about the food they ate. They did not worry about the water they drank or the air they breathed. It never occurred to them that eating, drinking water, satisfying basic, mundane bodily needs might be a dangerous thing to do. Parents thought it was good for their kids to go outside, get some sun. "That's all changed now." --from the Introduction Many Americans today rightly fear that they are constantly exposed to dangerous toxins in their immediate environment: tap water is contaminated with chemicals; foods contain pesticide residues, hormones, and antibiotics; even the air we breathe, outside and indoors, carries invisible poisons. Yet we have responded not by pushing for governmental regulation, but instead by shopping. What accounts for this swift and dramatic response? And what are its unintended consequences? Andrew Szasz examines this phenomenon in Shopping Our Way to Safety." Within a couple of decades, he reveals, bottled water and water filters, organic food, "green" household cleaners and personal hygiene products, and "natural" bedding and clothing have gone from being marginal, niche commodities to becoming mass consumer items. Szasz sees these fatalistic, individual responses to collective environmental threats as an inverted form of quarantine, aiming to shut the healthy individual in and the threatening world out. Sharply critiquing these products' effectiveness as well as the unforeseen political consequences of relying on them to keep us safe from harm, Szasz argues that when consumers believe that they are indeed buying a defense from environmental hazards, they feel less urgency to actually do something to fix them. To achieve real protection, real security, he concludes, we must give up the illusion of individual solutions and together seek substantive reform. Andrew Szasz is professor and chair of the department of sociology at the University of California at Santa Cruz and author of the award-winning EcoPopulism "(Minnesota, 1994).

Politics of Piety is a groundbreaking analysis of Islamist cultural politics through the ethnography of a thriving, grassroots women's piety movement in the mosques of Cairo, Egypt. Unlike those organized Islamist activities that seek to seize or transform the state, this is a moral reform movement whose orthodox practices are commonly viewed as inconsequential to Egypt's political landscape. Saba Mahmood's compelling exposition of these practices challenges this assumption by showing how the ethical and the political are indelibly linked within the context of such movements. Not only is this book a sensitive ethnography of a critical but largely ignored dimension of the Islamic revival, it is also an unflinching critique of the secular-liberal principles by which some people hold such movements to account. The book addresses three central questions: How do movements of moral reform help us rethink the normative liberal account of politics? How does the adherence of women to the patriarchal norms at the core of such movements parochialize key assumptions within feminist theory about freedom, agency, authority, and the human subject? How does a consideration of debates about embodied religious rituals among Islamists and their secular critics help us understand the conceptual relationship between bodily form and political imaginaries? Politics of Piety is essential reading for anyone interested in issues at the nexus of ethics and politics, embodiment and gender, and liberalism and postcolonialism.

在中国抗日战争最艰苦的1939年，著名历史学家顾颉刚先生在《益世报》《边疆周刊》发表一篇题为《中华民族是一个》的文章，明确提出中国只存在一个“中华民族”，把中国的汉、满、蒙、回、藏等群体都称为“民族”，是帝国主义分化和瓦解中国的策略和阴谋，“伪满洲国”即是一例。文章发表后引发了关于“中华民族”定义的激烈争论。有人支持，有人反对，费孝通先生曾撰文明确表示不同意见。距离当年那场围绕“中华民族是一个”的争辩已经过去70多年，今天中国固然没有面临帝国主义侵略和瓜分的直接威胁，但一些地区民族关系的发展趋势令人担忧。中国的“民族构建”（nation-building）究竟应当以“中华民族”为单元，还是以56个“民族”为单元，直至今日这个问题并没有真正得到解决。本书汇集了1939年围绕着一议题的重要论文以及对这一争论的回顾文章，希望读者能够了解当年这场大讨论的原貌并思考应如何理解今天中国的民族问题。

本书基于民族识别和广西壮族自治区的成立这两大事件为研究切入点，从政治、知识社会学、族群意识三个维度分析“民族结构”问题在“国家政权建设”中的地位，以及由此在社会心理、公民身份认同等方面造成的长期影响。通过分析，作者认为，我国的国家政权建设在某种意义上是借助“民族话语”来实践的，国家在广西地区建立国家认同的同时，壮族的知识生产实践也构建起了一套新的话语体系，这不仅会对广西民众的心态层面产生一定影响，也有着不可忽视的文化和政治动员潜力。

While some couples enjoy satisfying old-school romantic unions, a significant number are living in semi-happy marriages in which they are neither miserable nor fulfilled. Their persistent, troubling, and often silent question: Is this all there is? Despite the prevalence of the semi-happy marriage, especially among spouses in their 30s, 40, and 50s, this hidden state of marriage has not been revealed and analyzed-until now. "Marriage Confidential" digs beneath the surface and the cover stories to understand why marriages end up this way. A half-century after Betty Friedan first wrote of the unhappy housewife, Haag similarly dissects the sources of discontent in the modern marriage. While some of that melancholy results from common life stresses, some of it is a product of the cultural moment in which we find ourselves - the post-romantic age - and the new normals of childrearing, marital habitats, married social life, and sex. Blending autobiographical detail, cultural history, and revelatory stories from the frontlines, as well as her own research adventures - including joining an online affair-finding site and posting a personal in the "New York Review of Books" - Haag has crafted the next big think book on marriage, a beautifully-written, mesmerizing, humorous, and sometimes salacious read. In addition to unraveling the sources of post-romantic discontent, Haag discovers that marriage is being quietly revolutionized by mavericks who are going beyond the old traditional and romantic models to create unique relationships that work for them. These are ostensibly traditional marriages - but with a twist. Post-romantic marriage pioneers, these spouses are consciously and often secretly reworking the old scripts with a spirit of adventure and fun. Though their methods wouldn't work for everyone, these marriages will expand the reader's imagination, and offer inspiration to those who want more than the semi-happy status quo. "Marriage Confidential" will jump start lively conversations about marriage, between husbands and wives, and between friends, and it will reassure semi-happy marriages that they are not alone.

枪，这个在美国文化里带着光晕的词，也意味着棘手的问题。枪在美国禁不得，管控也难，因为人们已对枪投注了太多感情，预设了太多立场。个人权利、公民自由、英雄传奇……通通与枪联系在一起，枪俨然成了美国人身份的象征。
这种奇特的枪文化是怎样形成的？历史学家帕梅拉•哈格说，是时候解构美国枪文化、破除种种神话迷思了。其实，枪文化的推手是精明的生意人，枪的合众国背后是个商业帝国。只是，人们早已遗忘。
《枪的合众国》围绕赫赫有名的温彻斯特家族，讲述了从19世纪开始的枪文化生成史。在“枪王”奥利弗•温彻斯特的故事里，精明的商人们掌握了工业化时代的商业逻辑，用巧妙的销售手段制造了对枪支的大量需求，在有意无意间塑造了美国的枪文化。在商业的世界里，商人们不必为枪支泛滥的后果负责，但奥利弗的儿媳莎拉•温彻斯特却饱受良知的折磨。在莎拉的心目中，枪支是血淋淋的生意，温彻斯特公司盈利越多，它欠下的债就越多，而她自己接连失去至亲的巨大痛苦，则是枪支商人勃勃野心的代价。
在这段重新书写的美国枪文化形成史中，满是商业与道德、野心与良知、生意与责任的张力。哈格提醒我们，枪可以是文化，是象征，是传奇，但归根结底是商品，是生意，而且是不能不考虑道德后果的生意。

弗兰纳里•奥康纳的横空出世，以一己之力改变了美国文学的格局。她的作品具有坚硬冷酷的文风、极为凶残的创造性和赶尽杀绝的幽默感，以席卷人心的力量碾压读者。她笔下那些著名的怪诞而有喜感的角色，在读者掩卷之后仍萦绕于心。
《上升的一切必将汇合》为“弗兰纳里•奥康纳短篇小说全集”（三卷本）第三本，是奥康纳告别文坛、辞别人世前的巅峰作品。收录在册的十一篇作品探讨了奥康纳的读者们熟悉的信仰、道德、种族等问题。这些故事悲喜交加，美丽与怪诞并存，盖有强烈的奥康纳烙印。因患红斑狼疮、三十九岁便辞别人世的奥康纳留下的这部绝响是美国文坛，乃至世界文坛的不朽经典。

《空响炮》是90后新锐作家王占黑的故事集，收录了8篇短篇小说，描述了五彩斑斓的街道小人物，他们的生活看似平淡无奇却也有各自的“惊涛骇浪”，王占黑给读者提供了一个窥视市井人生的独特视角，提供了一个有趣的维度。
王占黑的写作从童年模糊的弄堂、河岸记忆到独立于“乡村”和“都市”之外的半新不旧的空间，共同点是它们都是小城市平民阶层所创造的熟人社会。这个群体的容量是庞大的，王占黑赋予它一种真实、细致且平视的呈现，像是一段一段的微电影，黑白的，却是耐人寻味的，其视角对于90后的作者来说是难能可贵的。

◎作品看点
▲100年来最好看最完整的北洋国会历史
▲总统之争、派系厮杀、贿选丑闻、外交之辱，再现中国首次民主转型的阵痛
▲余世存、马勇、解玺璋等著名学者隆重推荐
◎内容简介
1911年，辛亥风云突变，告别帝制中国，走到了历史的十字路口。当此时，开国会、立宪法、建立共和政体，成为举国上下的最大诉求。仿佛国会一开，即可中华崛起。
作为亚洲第一个民主共和国的中华民国，政制的枢纽在于国会。以梁启超、宋教仁为首的议员，在国会上选总统、制宪法、监督政府、弹劾官员，距离一个宪政民主的中国，仿佛只有一步之遥。
历史的吊诡，恰在瞬息之间。宋教仁被刺、袁世凯称帝、二次革命兴起、曹锟贿选，一波紧随一波，国会三度解散，议员四处流散，十年制不出一部宪法。
本书生动、真实地再现1911-1928这段国会历史，探寻现代中国的首次民主转型，如何从万众期待之中，跌入万劫不复之境。

《我年轻时的朋友》收录了诺贝尔文学奖得主艾丽丝·门罗在创作成熟期的十篇短篇小说佳作。门罗把日常生活的片段编织成精巧的故事和寓言，在这语言之光的照耀之下，平凡的人生翩翩起舞，无论是稍纵即逝的爱，还是长久默默的陪伴，无论是古井无波的生活，还是忽如其来的改变，都被呈现纸上，读来令人回肠荡气。