作者认为，民主质量的好坏或民主制度的绩效，可以从公民社会的状况得到解释；如果某一个社会的民主运转出了问题，从根本上说，那一定是公民社会（公民意识、公民组织、公民行为等，总之是公民生活）发生了变化--例如，社区生活走向了衰落。帕特南加入到美国公民参与热情度降低、投票率下降的研究当中，他敏锐地感到，当初托克维尔所描述的美国社区生活正在逐渐衰落，那种喜好结社、喜欢过有组织的公民生活、关注公共话题、热心公益事业的美国人不见了；今天的美国人，似乎不再愿意把闲暇时间用在与邻居一起咖啡聊天，一起走进俱乐部去从事集体行动，而是宁愿一个人在家看电视，或者独自去打保龄球。于是，帕特南想到用"Bowling Alone"这个词来形容和概括美国社会的这一变化，并力求对这种变化的性质和原因做出理论解释。在他看来，"独自打保龄"的现象意味着美国社会资本的流逝，造成这种现象的原因可能是复杂而不易确定的，但后果却是明确的，那就是公民参与的衰落。

本书是约翰逊博士的博士学位论文。它主要采用民族志的研究方法，考察印度乡村生活的社会语境及电视在不断变迁的印度乡村中所发挥的作用。作者通过参与式观察和深度访谈，着力于关注印度村民们的实际生活，倾听他们的真切声音。由于兼备东西方文化背景，约翰逊在运用西方成熟的社会学与传播学研究方法来观察、分析电视媒介对东方社会发展的影响方面，具有得天独厚的优势。

本书主要考察中央地方关系在当代中国的变迁过程及其与城镇化和社会发展方面的联系。在大量经验调查和理论研究的基础上，本书指出，二十世纪八十年代的财政包干制和九十年代的分税制是理解中央地方关系变迁的关键要素。财政包干制为地方政府“大办企业”和快速的地方工业化提供了激励，而分税制则促使地方政府发生了由“经营企业”到“经营土地”和“经营城市”的转向。本书从土地指标获取和城镇化模式两个方面分析了中央地方关系的变化对地方政府行为的深刻影响，为我们理解当代中国的经济社会发展提供了一种较有洞察力的视角。

意大利普拉托是个人口只有十几万的小镇，自20世纪99年代始，这里的纺织业开始聚集越来越多的温州人，目前已达25000人之多。《世界温州人研究丛书·生活在高墙外：普拉托华人研究》记述了这些温州人来到普拉托的历史，研究了他们对意大利纺织业的贡献，分析了他们在融入当地社会对面对工作环境和生活网络的“迷失”与“陌生”，赞扬了这些国际移民吃苦耐劳的精神，以及他们在中意两国经贸合作发展中的作用。《世界温州人研究丛书·生活在高墙外：普拉托华人研究》还研究了普拉托温州人对家乡发展的回报。《世界温州人研究丛书·生活在高墙外：普拉托华人研究》出对认识海外华人创业史及其在发展中外经贸关系中的作用具有重要价值。

《公共领域的结构转型》的目的是分析“资产阶级公共领域（burgerlicheOffentlichkeit）。研究对象特别难以把握，这就对研究方法提出了挑战。首先，由于研究对象比较复杂，用单一某个学科的方法是难以奏效的。因此，我们必须把公共领域范畴放到传统“政治学”曾经关注的那样一个比较开阔的视野里加以探讨；①研究对象就其自身而言打破了社会科学各学科之间的界限。社会学和经济学、宪法学和政治学以及社会思想史等各学科一体化所带来的难题是很清楚的：从目前社会科学学科分化和专业化水平来看，没有谁能“掌握”多门学科，更不用说“掌握”所有学科了。

本书以农户为基本单位，以乡村集体为中间层次，以国家的逻辑为最高层面，通过“土地—治理—民情”这三重分析框架，对“三农”问题进行了一种新的阐释，使我们可以概要地理解中国国家与农民关系的六十年变迁，尤其是深化对中国农村改革三十多年来的制度创新、发展经验及问题的理解。

Based on documentary materials including interviews with key players in China, this book charts the development of non-governmental and non-profit organizations in China from the late 1970s to the present day. It recounts how in the aftermath of the 1978 reforms that created a market economy and diversified interests and social life, new institutions and organizations outside of the state system increased dramatically in number, size and influence. These organizations, which barely existed before the reforms began in the late 1970s, carry out many social, economic and cultural tasks neglected by the government.Qiusha Ma examines two key questions crucial to understanding the development of NGOs in China: First, is it possible under China's one-party state for non-governmental organizations to thrive and play important economic, social and political functions? And secondly, are NGOs facilitating the formation of a civil society in China?

This book looks at legal and fiscal framework for civil society organizations (CSOs) in China from earliest times to the present day. It traces the ways in which laws and regulations have shaped civil society over the 5,000 years of China's history, and looks at ways in which social and economic history have affected the legal changes that have occurred over the millennia. It provides a historical and current analysis of the legal framework for civil society and citizen participation in China, focusing not merely on legal analysis, but also on the ways in which the legal framework influenced and was influenced in turn by social and economic developments. The principal emphasis is on how the Chinese people—as opposed to high-ranking officials or cadres—have been able to play a part in the social and economic development of China through the associations in which they participate. This book sums up this rather complex journey through Chinese legal, social, and political history by assessing the ways in which social, economic, and legal system reforms in today's China are bound to have an impact on civil society. The changes that have occurred in China's civil society since the late 1980s and, most especially, since the late 1990s, are nothing short of remarkable.

The concept of "civil society" was borrowed from eighteenth-century Europe to provide a framework for understanding the transition to post-authoritarian regimes in Latin America and postcommunist regimes elsewhere. In China, the Democracy Movement forced the concept onto the intellectual agenda during the struggle to come to terms with the growth of dissent and the failure of student activism to find a secure foothold. The question that drives this book is whether this concept is useful for analyzing China, and if so, in what ways and within what limits.

本書內容兼顧各時代的社會特色與貫穿時序的整體脈絡，
為深具敘事特色的中國社會史教科書。
本書起始於新石器時代華北、華南農業村落的興起，結束於近代中國的社會變遷，以社會組織與社會結構為重心，討論中國歷史上相關的重要問題，以明瞭其延續與變遷。
探討的問題諸如：農業村落的興起與土地制度、租佃制度的演進；封建社會、門第社會、科舉社會出現的時代背景，及士人、士族、士紳的社會角色；古代氏族與國家形成的關係和家族制度的變化；城市性質的演變與工商業的盛衰、復振；人口的變動及其對社會中心轉移的影響；漢末道教在傳統社會中的根源；中古到近世佛教社會力量的發展、限制；近世民間祕密宗教的活躍與其對社會的影響；宗教、家族、政府、士人、商人對推動社會福利與互助的貢獻；清末民初，中國社會在西方政治、經濟、文化影響下的劇變。
本書課題之選取，分歷史階段看，可得各時代的社會特色；合而觀之，則能掌握中國社會史的整體脈絡，有助於對傳統社會進行深層的思考，是為理解中國社會發展軌跡的入門書籍。

How can we achieve and sustain a "decent" liberal society, one that aspires to justice and equal opportunity for all and inspires individuals to sacrifice for the common good? In this book, a continuation of her explorations of emotions and the nature of social justice, Martha Nussbaum makes the case for love. Amid the fears, resentments, and competitive concerns that are endemic even to good societies, public emotions rooted in love--in intense attachments to things outside our control--can foster commitment to shared goals and keep at bay the forces of disgust and envy. Great democratic leaders, including Abraham Lincoln, Mohandas Gandhi, and Martin Luther King Jr., have understood the importance of cultivating emotions. But people attached to liberalism sometimes assume that a theory of public sentiments would run afoul of commitments to freedom and autonomy. Calling into question this perspective, Nussbaum investigates historical proposals for a public "civil religion" or "religion of humanity" by Jean-Jacques Rousseau, August Comte, John Stuart Mill, and Rabindranath Tagore. She offers an account of how a decent society can use resources inherent in human psychology, while limiting the damage done by the darker side of our personalities. And finally she explores the cultivation of emotions that support justice in examples drawn from literature, song, political rhetoric, festivals, memorials, and even the design of public parks. "Love is what gives respect for humanity its life," Nussbaum writes, "making it more than a shell." "Political Emotions" is a challenging and ambitious contribution to political philosophy.

Michel Foucault was one of the most influential thinkers in the contemporary world, someone whose work has affected the teaching of half a dozen disciplines ranging from literary criticism to the history of criminology. But of his many books, not one offers a satisfactory introduction to the entire complex body of his work. The Foucault Reader was commissioned precisely to serve that purpose.
The Reader contains selections from each area of Foucault's work as well as a wealth of previously unpublished writings, including important material written especially for this volume, the preface to the long-awaited second volume of The History of Sexuality, and interviews with Foucault himself, in the course of which he discussed his philosophy at first hand and with unprecedented candor.
This philosophy comprises an astonishing intellectual enterprise: a minute and ongoing investigation of the nature of power in society. Foucault's analyses of this power as it manifests itself in society, schools, hospitals, factories, homes, families, and other forms of organized society are brought together in The Foucault Reader to create an overview of this theme and of the broad social and political vision that underlies it.

A major contribution to contemporary social theory. Not only does it provide a compelling critique of some of the main perspectives in 20th century philosophy and social science, but it also presents a systematic synthesis of the many themse which have preoccupied Habermas for thirty years. --Times Literary Supplement

Picador is proud to publish the sixth volume in Foucault's prestigious, groundbreaking series of lectures at the Collège de France from 1970 to 1984
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The Birth of Biopolitics continues to pursue the themes of Foucault's lectures from Security, Territory, Population. Having shown how eighteenth-century political economy marks the birth of a new governmental rationality--seeking maximum effectiveness by governing less and in accordance with the naturalness of the phenomena to be governed--Michel Foucault undertakes a detailed analysis of the forms of this liberal governmentality. In a direct and conversational tone, this book raises questions of political philosophy and social policy that are at the heart of current debates about the role and status of neo-liberalism in twentieth century politics.

Few of us have been spared the agonies of intimate relationships. They come in many shapes: loving a man or a woman who will not commit to us, being heartbroken when we're abandoned by a lover, engaging in Sisyphean internet searches, coming back lonely from bars, parties, or blind dates, feeling bored in a relationship that is so much less than we had envisaged - these are only some of the ways in which the search for love is a difficult and often painful experience. Despite the widespread and almost collective character of these experiences, our culture insists they are the result of faulty or insufficiently mature psyches. For many, the Freudian idea that the family designs the pattern of an individual's erotic career has been the main explanation for why and how we fail to find or sustain love. Psychoanalysis and popular psychology have succeeded spectacularly in convincing us that individuals bear responsibility for the misery of their romantic and erotic lives. The purpose of this book is to change our way of thinking about what is wrong in modern relationships. The problem is not dysfunctional childhoods or insufficiently self-aware psyches, but rather the institutional forces shaping how we love. The argument of this book is that the modern romantic experience is shaped by a fundamental transformation in the ecology and architecture of romantic choice. The samples from which men and women choose a partner, the modes of evaluating prospective partners, the very importance of choice and autonomy and what people imagine to be the spectrum of their choices: all these aspects of choice have transformed the very core of the will, how we want a partner, the sense of worth bestowed by relationships, and the organization of desire. This book does to love what Marx did to commodities: it shows that it is shaped by social relations and institutions and that it circulates in a marketplace of unequal actors.

《给无价的孩子定价:变迁中的儿童社会价值》关注的是19世纪70年代到20世纪30年代美国社会关于儿童的社会价值观念的转变过程，即经济上无用而情感上无价的孩子的出现过程。通过透视儿童问题的巧妙视角，作者细腻探讨了那个时期人们对儿童死亡的态度的改变、童工立法的斗争、儿童工作的分化过程、儿童保险的推行、儿童意外死亡的赔偿以及儿童的领养与买卖等。它们共同指向一个深刻的理论话题，这就浊：孩子的社会文化属性，他们在道义上的“无价性”如何在市场机制的重重包围中穿越而出，形成一个非常规的市场，由非经济的标准来规则？从而最终指向一个更为深切的理论关怀：社会如何“大于”市场？