《经济学方法论探究》是卡尔·门格尔讨论社会科学、尤其是经济学方法论的专著。他在这本书中阐述的个人主义方法论与韦伯异曲同工，成为经济学的基础性方法论原则；他阐述的自发秩序理论则被哈耶克发扬光大。
本书是门格尔一生的集大成之作，其重要性丝毫超越了被我国读者熟知的《国民经济学原理》。在经济学发展史上具有极其重要的地位，系首次译为中文。

Few topics are as timely as the growth of government. To understand why government has grown, Robert Higgs asserts, one must understand how it has grown. This book offers a coherent, multi-causal explanation, guided by a novel analytical framework firmly grounded in historical evidence.
More than a study of trends in governmental spending, taxation, and employment, Crisis and Leviathan is a thorough analysis of the actual occasions when and the specific means by which Big Government developed in the United States. Naming names and highlighting the actions of significant individuals, Higgs examines how twentieth-century national emergencies--mainly wars, depressions, and labor disturbances--have prompted federal officials to take over previously private rights and activities. When the crises passed, a residue of new governmental powers remained. Even more significantly, each great crisis and the subsequent governmental measures have gone hand in hand with reinforcing shifts in public beliefs and attitudes toward the government's proper role in American life.
Integrating the contributions of scholars in diverse disciplines, including history, law, political philosophy, and the social sciences, Crisis and Leviathan makes compelling reading for all those who seek to understand the transformation of America's political economy over the past century.

本书收入了华人哈耶克学会第四届年会的部分论文，其主题集中于探究奥地利学派的方法论，另有一些论文依据这些方法论，对于奥地利学派的制度理论进行了讨论。本书的中国作者均为国内奥地利学派研究的年轻学者。另外也收入了三位国外学者的著述，对于国内学界了解奥地利学派的最新研究进展极有帮助。本书还收入两篇学术随笔，具有很高可读性。

《货币、银行信贷与经济周期》在这本跨学科的巨著中，作者以翔实的史料，充分的文献考证以及严谨的理论论证，展现了金融业和银行的发展史，介绍了货币不规则存管合约的法理本质，部分准备金制度的历史沿革，经济学界关于货币银行的主要观点以及奥地利学派关于货币、银行信贷系统的理论。《货币、银行信贷与经济周期》气势恢宏，细节引人入胜，对于想了解金融史、经济史的读者，绝对是超值的读本。

《通论》与《通往奴役之路》，这些思想的两位奠定者——约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯和弗里德里希·冯·哈耶克，隔着一道巨大的深渊，凝视着彼此。这道深渊，拉开了我们这个时代最轰轰烈烈的经济学之战：政府是否应当干预市场。
两人同时从第一次世界大战的废墟之上研究商业繁荣和萧条的周期，却得出了截然不同的结论哈耶克认为，改变经济的“自然平衡”会导致严重的通货膨胀。凯恩斯认为，标志着一个周期结束的大规模失业和困难，可以靠政府开支来缓和。终其余生，两人始终无法认同对方的观点。二十多年中，两人通过信件辩论，通过公开发表的文章辩论，通过激烈的私下对话辩论，最终又通过他们热心的弟子约翰·肯尼思·加尔布雷思和米尔顿·弗里德曼代为辩论。
凯恩斯口才和魅力过人，对世界持有一种乐观的愿景：政府计划和管控能撑起经济。这一观点很快为大西洋两岸整整一代政治家和经济学家所接受。与此相反，哈耶克是个一丝不苟的逻辑家，他顽强地逆流而上，在市场倡导者和自由意志者中找到了支持。
从富兰克林·罗斯福到乔治·W.布什等数代政治家，在两位学者的想法之间摇摆不定。最终，这场争辩影响了数百万人的生命和生计。从大萧条到第二次世界大战，从战后恢复到当前，资深记者尼古拉斯·韦普肖特详细梳理了20世纪两位经济学巨人之间的这场论战。两位大师的不同愿景影响了世界经济的起起落落，迄今仍牢牢地掌控着它的走向。

Ludwig von Mises was the leading exponent of the Austrian School of economics throughout most of the twentieth century. He has long been regarded as a most knowledgeable and respected economist, even though his teachings were generally outside the 'mainstream'. "Theory and History" is primarily a critique of Karl Marx, his materialism, and his prediction of the inevitability of socialism. Marx attributes the creation of tools and machines, as well as the economic structure of society, to undefined 'material productive forces'; Mises rejects this materialistic view; he points out that tools and machines are actually created by individuals acting on the basis of non-materialistic ideas.This book discusses the theory of economics, i.e., the study of purposive human action, and with history, the record of the past actions of individuals. All actions are determined by ideas. Thoughts and ideas are 'real things', Mises writes. "Although intangible and immaterial, they are factors in bringing about changes in the realm, of tangible and material things." Rather than rejecting the study of historical change as a 'useless pastime', Mises considers it of the utmost practical importance." History looks backward into the past, but the lesson it teaches concerns things to come." History opens the mind to an understanding of human nature, increases wisdom, and distinguishes civilized man from the barbarian. Moreover, historical knowledge is of the utmost importance in helping to anticipate and plan for the future.Though "Theory and History" may not be studied as often as other, more popular Mises works, it provides great insight into Mises' fundamental thoughts and is a fascinating exploration of human action.

Raico takes on all comers, disposing of all opponents of the market from Keynesians to Marxists and everyone in between, with crackling prose and sizzling wit. The liberal history comes alive with Raico’s pen, and at the same time quenches the reader’s thirst for detail, infusing an excitement that urges the reader to further explore.

该书是一部编年体的大部头经济思想史著作。作者罗思巴德，是当代美国著名经济学家，新奥地利学派的重要代表人物。本书是作者长期研究经济思想史的结晶，系在作者去世后由其在冯米塞斯研究所的同事整理出版。本书最大特点是，从奥地利学派的分析视角对于浩瀚的西方经济思想史料进行了重新审视，发掘出了许多新的思想渊源，对于以往流行的诸多史论给予了新的评析甚至批判，从而在西方经济学界产生重要影响。自1995年初版后，引起广泛关注,故1996年和1999 年连续再版。在一定程度上，本书有点类似于熊彼特的《经济分析史》，熊彼特也倾向于奥地利学派，且该书也是在他去世后由别人整理出版的。奥地利学派的重要思想家向来都有注重详细考证经济思想史料的优良传统。不过，《经济分析史》毕竟成书于半个多世纪前，难以完全适应当今对于经济思想史研究的新潮流。本书在很多方面超越了《经济分析史》，它无论在新史料的发掘方面还是在从新的视角解析方面，都更富有当代的气息。所以，罗思巴德的新著在这方面就有了更为特别重要的意义。本书的翻译出版对于国内学术界全面、深入地研究西方经济思想史，将具有重要的学术价值。

You might be thinking everything's okay: the stock market is on the rise, jobs are growing, the worst of it is over. You'd be wrong. In The Real Crash, New York Times bestselling author Peter D. Schiff argues that America is enjoying a government-inflated bubble, one that reality will explode ...with disastrous consequences for the economy and for each of us. Schiff demonstrates how the infusion of billions of dollars of stimulus money has only dug a deeper hole: the United States government simply spends too much and does not collect enough money to pay its debts, and in the end, Americans from all walks of life will face a crushing consequence. We're in hock to China, we can't afford the homes we own, and the entire premise of our currency---backed by the full faith and credit of the United States---is false. Our system is broken, Schiff says, and there are only two paths forward. The one we're on now leads to a currency and sovereign debt crisis that will utterly destroy our economy and impoverish the vast majority of our citizens. However, if we change course, the road ahead will be a bit rockier at first, but the final destination will be far more appealing. If we want to avoid complete collapse, we must drastically reduce government spending---eliminate entire agencies, end costly foreign military escapades and focus only on national defence---and stop student loan or mortgage interest deductions, as well as drug wars and bank-and-business bailouts. We must also do what no politician or pundit has proposed: America should declare bankruptcy, restructure its debts, and reform our system from the ground up.