The dissenting opinions of Patrick Henry and others who saw the Constitution as a threat to our hard-won rights and liberties.
Edited and introduced by Ralph Ketcham.

For as long as the debate over liberty has been waged, opponents of freedom have used unsound arguments to try to justify greater government involvement in our economic affairs. We encounter these fallacies expressed by students, professors, administrators, and many others along the way. Some claim that acts of destruction can result in economic growth. Others assert that professional licensing is good for consumers. Still more argue that restrictions on trade lead to a higher standard of living.
These dangerous beliefs are not limited to the academic realm. Today more than ever public policy is dictated by flawed economic reasoning. Stimulus packages, cash for clunkers, trade quotas, tariffs, regulations, and licensing requirements are all in vogue amongst today’s politicians and policy makers.
Our generation is not the first to be confronted by these erroneous arguments. In fact, they have already been confronted and proved fallacious by Frederick Bastiat. A 19th century French political economist, Bastiat dedicated his life to proving that government by its nature possesses neither the moral authority to intervene in our economic freedom nor the practical ability to create prosperity through intervention. He systematically debunked his opponents’ claims and observed that economic intervention is most commonly proposed by one group in society trying to gain for themselves at the expense of everyone else.
Bastiat’s analysis is as relevant now as it was when he first penned the famous critiques. Students For Liberty and the Atlas Economic Research Foundation have published a new book, The Economics of Freedom: What Your Professors Won’t Tell You. It features a feature a collection of Bastiat’s best essays including such classics as “What is Seen and What is Not Seen” and “A Petition”, along with contemporary essays by Nobel Laureate F.A. Hayek and Atlas Foundation Vice President Tom G. Palmer.

"One of the great political works of our time, . . . the twentieth-century successor to John Stuart Mill's essay, 'On Liberty.'"?Henry Hazlitt, Newsweek
"A reflective, often biting, commentary on the nature of our society and its dominant thought by one who is passionately opposed to the coercion of human beings by the arbitrary will of others, who puts liberty above welfare and is sanguine that greater welfare will thereby ensue."?Sidney Hook, New York Times Book Review
In this classic work Hayek restates the ideals of freedom that he believes have guided, and must continue to guide, the growth of Western civilization. Hayek's book, first published in 1960, urges us to clarify our beliefs in today's struggle of political ideologies.

The financial and economic crisis that began in 2008 is the most alarming of our lifetime because of the warp-speed at which it is occurring. How could it have happened, especially after all that we’ve learned from the Great Depression? Why wasn’t it anticipated so that remedial steps could be taken to avoid or mitigate it? What can be done to reverse a slide into a full-blown depression? Why have the responses to date of the government and the economics profession been so lackluster? Richard Posner presents a concise and non-technical examination of this mother of all financial disasters and of the, as yet, stumbling efforts to cope with it. No previous acquaintance on the part of the reader with macroeconomics or the theory of finance is presupposed. This is a book for intelligent generalists that will interest specialists as well.
Among the facts and causes Posner identifies are: excess savings flowing in from Asia and the reckless lowering of interest rates by the Federal Reserve Board; the relation between executive compensation, short-term profit goals, and risky lending; the housing bubble fuelled by low interest rates, aggressive mortgage marketing, and loose regulations; the low savings rate of American people; and the highly leveraged balance sheets of large financial institutions.
Posner analyzes the two basic remedial approaches to the crisis, which correspond to the two theories of the cause of the Great Depression: the monetarist—that the Federal Reserve Board allowed the money supply to shrink, thus failing to prevent a disastrous deflation—and the Keynesian—that the depression was the product of a credit binge in the 1920’s, a stock-market crash, and the ensuing downward spiral in economic activity. Posner concludes that the pendulum swung too far and that our financial markets need to be more heavily regulated.

这是一本论述自由人社会的政治组织的书。它的方法论、概念工具以及逻辑分析法，本质上渊源于把这样一种社会的经济组织作为其主题的学科。对于所考虑的各种核心问题，政治学方面的研究者和学者会与我们一样感兴趣，而他们的经济学同行则会与我们一起对此一论题的建构感兴趣。本书将坚定不移地沿着政治经济学的这两大支系之间的神话式的和神秘的边界线展开。本书分为概念框架、社会选择的王国、决策规则分析、民主的经济学与伦理学等组成。值得一阅。

Economic and Political Concepts includes: Animal Spirits by George A. Akerlof and Robert J. Shiller
Learn how irrational emotional factors influence markets. Power and Plenty by Ronald Findlay and Kevin H. O'Rourke
Learn how global trade has evolved over the past 1,000 years. The New Financial Order by Robert J. Shiller
Learn how advances in information technology can help manage major economic risks. The Subprime Solution by Robert J. Shiller
Learn how the mortgage crisis developed and how to prevent such crises in the future. The Soulful Science by Diane Coyle
Learn the latest economic research and how it is being utilized by economists today. The Myth of the Rational Voter by Bryan Caplan
Learn why economic education for the average voter is important for democracy. Lawlessness and Economics by Avinash K. Dixit
Learn how some economies can function with minimal legal systems. From Higher Aims to Hired Hands by Rakesh Khurana
Learn the history of the modern business school and how it impacts the economy. The Difference by Scott E. Page
Learn how diversity brings benefit to organizations. A Farewell to Alms by Gregory Clark
Learn how culture has influenced economic growth throughout civilization's history.

为什么“民主”这个曾经的“坏东西”会变成“好东西”？作者以成熟的西方民主为例，深入浅出地展现了现实世界中民主体制的许多实证性问题。作者从民主的起源和演化讲起，逐一讨论民主发展的历史过程、西式民主的机制与运作及其实效与反思。全书不仅是对西式民主的介绍，也是对其的进行反思。

本书聚焦于19世纪晚期大清朝与英国之间的“帝国碰撞”，对“帝国”问题进行了跨文化的历史研究。作者以主权想象为中心，着重分析法律、外交、宗教、语言学及视觉文本中的知识传统和话语政治。通过爬疏相关的历史档案和文献资料，作者处理了大量不同种类的文本和历史事件，如国际法、符号学、帝国之间的礼物交换、传教士的翻译、语法书，甚至还有殖民摄影术，而这一切都由与欲望和主权想象有关的帝国的话语政治这条主线贯穿起来。作者的核心关怀是从近代中西冲突看现代世界秩序的形成，以及中国作为一个古老帝国是如何被帝国的话语政治“塑造”成为现代民族国家的。

Virtually all human societies were once organized tribally, yet over time most developed new political institutions which included a central state that could keep the peace and uniform laws that applied to all citizens. Some went on to create governments that were accountable to their citizens. We take these institutions for granted, but they are absent or are unable to perform in many of today’s developing countries—with often disastrous consequences for the rest of the world.
In The Origins of Political Order, Francis Fukuyama, author of the bestselling The End of History and the Last Man, provides a sweeping account of how today’s basic political institutions developed. The first of a major two-volume work begins with politics among our primate ancestors and follows the story through the emergence of tribal societies, the growth of the first modern state in China, the beginning of a rule of law in India and the Middle East, and the development of political accountability in Europe up until the eve of the French Revolution.
Drawing on a vast body of knowledge—history, evolutionary biology, archaeology, and economics—Fukuyama has produced a brilliant, provocative work that offers fresh insights on the origins of democratic societies and raises essential questions about the nature of politics.

Ever since its first publication in 1992, The End of History and the Last Man has provoked controversy and debate. Francis Fukuyama's prescient analysis of religious fundamentalism, politics, scientific progress, ethical codes, and war is as essential for a world fighting fundamentalist terrorists as it was for the end of the Cold War. Now updated with a new afterword, The End of History and the Last Man is a modern classic.

《国外经济学名著译丛•经济增长的阶段:非共产党宣言》是美国知名学者罗斯托的一部重要著作。作者考察了世界范围内处于不同发展阶段的国家，在现代社会经济发展过程中从传统社会经过创造起飞前的条件，到起飞和走向成熟的历史；为经济增长理论以及整个现代化史理论的研究，提供了可借鉴的分 析方法。该书在1960年英文版首次问世时即引起很大反响，被誉为现代经济史上的名著。

《常识》简介：美国是第一次产生伟大民主共和国思想的地方。没有一个人知道他（潘恩）的尸骨散落在何处，可是他的原则并没有安息，他的思想虽然也同他的遗骸一样难以追寻，却已传遍了他魂牵梦绕的整个世界。他有《常识》，反抗那时的政治传统；他有《人权论》，反抗社会传统；他有《土地正义论》，反抗的是经济传统；最后有《理性时代》，反抗的是宗教传统。这样一来，他就把那个年头能得罪的人类权势力量都得罪完了，他从地上打到天上，横扫俗界国王之后，又向灵界国王宣战，最后激起天怨人怒，自然落个遗骨飘零，死无葬身之地的悲惨下场。

可以说，有一个大观念贯穿着这四个讲演。这一观念就是，马克思主义根本上属于欧洲政治和社会理论的主流传统……马克思思想具有潜在的统一性……在一个更深且历史范围更广的层面上，它表明从最早的源头上就镶嵌在欧洲思想里的两种基本视角完成了统一；两种视角走到一起，这本身就是对现代性的本质定义。
这里所称的我们传统的两种根本视角，是经由很多源泉“蒸馏”的过程得来的结晶……一方面，这里提出欧洲政治和社会理论包含一种超越的传统……另一方面，我们的文化包含一种理解的传统，以及一种主要来自唯物主义及现实主义之古代哲学的冷静的、“科学的”观点……
马克思主义的“诞生”现在也许可以越来越清楚和显著地看出来，它的“诞生”恰恰是西方政治和社会理论的历史中非常重要的一章。马克思主义并不是从真空中出现的，它也没有走进死胡同。马克思留下了他的痕迹。

Dr. Ron Paul's newest book, LIBERTY DEFINED, returns to the format and scope of his no 1 New York Times bestseller The Revolution. Rather than delve so deeply into one issue (as End The Fed did) or simply update the topics discussed in The Revolution, this is a brand new, comprehensive, A-Z guide to his position (unwavering support of personal liberty and small government) on 50 of the most important issues of our times, both foreign and domestic. His devoted followers will be able to use it as a guide book for 2012 and beyond, for all their political and educational efforts. With entries ranging in length from a few pages to over ten, LIBERTY DEFINED is very accessible, easy to digest and clear cut in its ideology.

本书是对亚里士多德的《政治学》的讨论和分析，进而阐明“政
治与哲学”的关系比人们通常所见更为密切，甚至密不可分。

《罗斯福新政的谎言》是一本批评罗斯福新政的书。观点犀利、新颖。它用大量事实证明。大萧条时期的政府政策的确延缓了经济的复苏，甚至对当今的美国仍有负面影响。在这本令人震惊的著作中，经济历史学家伯顿·W．福尔索姆揭露了富兰克林·D．罗斯福那史诗般神话传奇的实质。福尔索姆认为，罗斯福的道德品质很成问题。他对企业界精英充满仇恨，他所开创的新政，具有缺乏计划性、浪费性支出严重和为获取政治利益而投机的特点。罗斯福的一系列政策虽然改善了公众对政府的评价，却未能实现经济的复苏，而这才是当时的美国所迫切需要的。福尔索姆对罗斯福总统及其经济政策和个人生活持批判态度。
1932年当选总统的罗斯福，在执政期间遭逢美国历史上最为严重的经济大萧条。他采取了一系列政府干预经济的措施，但他的大部分举措，对当时和以后的美国都造成了灾难性的影响。在2008年席卷全球的金融危机中，西方国家为拯救本国经济，纷纷效仿罗斯福。采取政府干预的手段。当今美国广泛建设的政府项目，都能在新政中找到根源。如农业补贴、最低工资，等等。这些措施实际上都阻滞了经济的增长，并导致生产率下降和失业率上升，并未取得预期效果。
罗斯福对总统职务的专横态度永久性地改变了美国的政治格局。他操纵公众舆论。使得美国公民在不知不觉中成为了20世纪30年代经济停滞的同谋。在罗斯福去世60多年后。奥巴马喊出了“我们相信变革”的口号，而他所实施的“新”新政计划。也恰恰成了新政的延续。时至今日，美国及世界各国至今仍然无法摆脱罗斯福政治遗产巨大的负面影响。