Kamber argues that term limits are a disastrous quick fix and must be stopped.

本书原为萧公权先生1926年在康乃尔大学完成的博士论文，第二年即由伦敦一家著名出版社出版，佳评如潮。《伦敦时报文学副刊》（London Times，Literary Supplement）、《哲学学报》（Journal of Philosophy）、《国家》（Nation）杂志、《美国政治科学评论》(American Political Science Review）对其大加赞赏。就连书中的主要批评对象之一、当时颇具名望的政治思想大家拉斯基也在《新共和》(New Republic)上发表评论，深佩“此书才力与魅力均巨”。类此推崇，并非一般溢美之词，因此很快被列入国际心理学哲学及科学方法丛书之一。牛津大学“当代巨著”(Modern Greats)一课程，并采为必读书之一。此书出版之时，萧公权先生尚未逾而立之年，而其学已卓然自立，跻身世界著述之林，扬名国际，无疑是侪辈的翘楚。（摘自汪荣祖：《萧公权先生学术次第》）

“Bernays’ honest and practical manual provides much insight into some of the most powerful and influential institutions of contemporary industrial state capitalist democracies.”—Noam Chomsky
“The conscious and intelligent manipulation of the organized habits and opinions of the masses is an important element in democratic society. Those who manipulate this unseen mechanism of society constitute an invisible government which is the true ruling power of our country.”—Edward Bernays, Propaganda
A seminal and controversial figure in the history of political thought and public relations, Edward Bernays (1891–1995), pioneered the scientific technique of shaping and manipulating public opinion, which he famously dubbed “engineering of consent.” During World War I, he was an integral part of the U.S. Committee on Public Information (CPI), a powerful propaganda apparatus that was mobilized to package, advertise and sell the war to the American people as one that would “Make the World Safe for Democracy.” The CPI would become the blueprint in which marketing strategies for future wars would be based upon.
Bernays applied the techniques he had learned in the CPI and, incorporating some of the ideas of Walter Lipmann, became an outspoken proponent of propaganda as a tool for democratic and corporate manipulation of the population. His 1928 bombshell Propaganda lays out his eerily prescient vision for using propaganda to regiment the collective mind in a variety of areas, including government, politics, art, science and education. To read this book today is to frightfully comprehend what our contemporary institutions of government and business have become in regards to organized manipulation of the masses.
This is the first reprint of Propaganda in over 30 years and features an introduction by Mark Crispin Miller, author of The Bush Dyslexicon: Observations on a National Disorder.

《康有为思想研究》是萧公权先生最后一部长篇学术巨著，原为英文撰写，先以论文形式发表于学术期刊，后再汇集成书，补写家世与生平两篇以及教育改革一章，分为四编。今由汪荣祖译成中文，列入萧公权全集第七册。
萧先生深入研究康有为，文长四十余万言，缘起于大批康氏未刊稿的出现。资料既备，萧先生以其精湛的哲学素养来治思想史，自如探囊取物，而且源源不绝。这批康氏未刊稿微卷即由萧先生赠与台湾“中央”研究院近代史研究所而流传台湾的。
萧先生以“平心”阅读康有为的未刊稿之后，对这位中国近代史上的思想巨子，有新的理解与论断。当英文原著出版后，有些读者认为作者于康虽有批评，然大体而言过于同情康氏，甚至有左袒之嫌。此种观点多少受到民国以后革命史观的影响。事实上，萧先生本人早年撰写《中国政治思想史》有关康有为一章时，亦有所不免。这些观点经深入验证后，都有所修正，斯乃史家忠于文献、实事求是的态度。故所谓过于同情云云，不过是以“公心述”而己。

當菁英分子在為了意識型態的問題爭執不休時，他們不敢面對的真相是：真正的問題是貧富差距的擴大以及教育的失敗。
當菁英分子在全球經濟趨勢裡跨國流動時，他們不敢承認的事實是：他們背叛了對於民主和社會的承諾。
《菁英的反叛》是美國最特立獨行的歷史學家和社會評論家克里斯多夫．拉許（Christopher Lasch）去世前的最後作品，也是他的思想的代表作。
拉許延續他一貫雄渾沉鬱而又原創的思想，以深入淺出的批評，突顯知識工作者和管理者階級的價值和信仰的偏差。他認為現在民主的威脅不再是以前奧德嘉賈塞特（Jose Ortega y Gasset）所說的「群眾」，而是菁英分子。他們隨著全球化經濟的變遷而到處流動，不再接受國家或社群的約束，自我封閉在自己的網路和圈地裡，拋棄了中產階級，分裂了國家，甚至背叛了民主的理想。
拉許藉古諷今，揭露現代的難題根源。他批評功績主義（有選擇性地拔擢某些人為菁英分子）逐漸取代了尊重每個人的才能的民主理想，以及左派學者虛偽的基進主義。拉許甚至窮究西方民主問化的精神危機：菁英們相信僅靠科學就可以掌握命運，逃避道德和宗教的約束，在追求這個妄想時，他們就迷失在全球經濟的洪流裡。
拉許要讀者們從菁英分子們眾聲喧嘩的意識型態戰爭裡覺醒，我們社會的問題不再是人權、種族或性別歧視的問題，而是貧富差距的擴大、教育的失敗、學者的虛偽和自私、民眾的沉默，以及媒體的廣告化操弄。他呼籲我們回歸社群、責任感的傳統，重拾民主辯論的價值，並且認識到我們社會的真正困境：問題不在意識型態的對立，而在於新的貧富階級的對立。

《每个人的政治》内容简介：赵汀阳的这本书围绕人与人之间的合作来展开讨论“每个人的政治”问题，他提出：合作的条件“和”策略是最可信赖的合作方式，是在互相伤害最小化的条件下去谋求互惠利益的最大化。共在存在论事的问题比物的问题更重要；我行的问题比我思的问题更重要。我行故我在，我在必与他人共在，因此，共在先于存在。
道德金规则的新版本要以“人所不欲，勿施于人“代替”己所不欲，勿施于人”。在“由己及人”的方法论中，可能眼界只有一个，即“我”的眼界，而“由人至人”的方法论则包含了所有的可能眼界，这样才有可能尊重每个人。这个把每个人的精神考虑在内的方法也可以称为“无人被排挤”的原则。
预付人权理论每个人生来就获得人类预付借贷给他的与任何他人相同的权利，人权虽然不劳而授，但绝非不劳而享，否则损害公正。一个人获得并接受了预付人权就意味着承诺了做人的责任，并且将以完成做人的责任来偿还所借贷的权利。如果拒绝了预付人权所要求的部分或全部义务，就视同自动放弃了部分或全部人权。
精神政治的四大发明基督教主张的心灵管理、宣传、群众和绝对敌人，所有这些发明都是为了再造心灵。宗教在今天的世俗社会已不再具有统治地位，但社会的各个方面已经在模仿宗教的政治模式上走得太远了。宗教把思想论辩变成话语斗争和政治宣传，把生活方式变成政治问题，把知识问题变成权力问题，把观念变成了意识形态。

这部《中国政治思想史》，是他当时在北大开设的课程，也是他对中国社会史研究的成果。书中依据陶希圣自己的历史分期观点，对氏族时代、王权时代、士族时代及王权再建时代的政治思想的起源、发展及转变过程，做了独具特色的分析。初稿于1932年至1936年间写成，由上海新生命书局出版。1942年抗日战争时期，又在重庆南方书局出版了修订版。从1943年到1945年两年问，共加印6次，一时洛阳纸贵。
1978年中国改革开放后，陶希圣的史学成就逐渐得到重新的认识和评价。为了延续学术传统，保留现代学术史上的重要成果，中国大百科全书出版社将《中国政治思想史》列入《百科史学·史学名著丛书》，重新整理出版，希望为相关研究领域提供有价值的参考。

This book provides a general survey of the life and work of the Spanish philosopher and essayist Ortega y Gasset (1183-1955), author of the widely read The Revolt of the Masses. Dr Dobson divides his study into sections devoted to Ortega's political thinking and to his philosophy, rooting these in the context of contemporary Spain and discussing the wider implications of their influence. He examines Ortega's position with regard to the Civil War, his ambivalent espousal of socialism, his emphasis on the importance of the select individual in the modernisation of society and creation of a nacio vital; the appropriation of his ideas by Primo de Rivera in the cause of fascism. This book is intended to be accessible to both Hispanists and general readers with an interest in literature, history, intellectual and political thought and philosophy.

Allen takes up Michael Polanyi's argument that "negative" liberty -- doing as one pleases so long as one does not impinge upon the equal liberty of others -- must and has led to destructive nihilism and a fierce reaction to collectivism. He shows how Polanyi's political philosophy evolved into a more "positive" concept of liberty, converging upon the archetypal conservatism of Edmund Burke. Allen examines Polanyi's and F.A. Hayek's thinking with respect to the nature, value, and foundations of liberty. For Allen, only Christianity, and certainly no modern philosophy, has a conception of the unique individual and his irreplaceable value and of a political order that transcends itself into the moral order. Beyond Liberalism challenges deeply ingrained notions of liberty and its meaning in modern society.

《西方政治思想史(套装上下册)》可以说是从底下写起，注意统治者。也兼重被治者。我向来认为，历来论者对人民——有时称为暴民——所下的功夫一直不够。政治的素材是人，一位思想家对这素材的观点一定会影响他对政治可能及应有境界的想法。不过，我发现这样的写法报不容易维持，因为思想家关于政治共同体素材的看法往往深藏在他们的著作文字之中，这些文字篇章必须摆到刑架上拷问，才吐露实情。而人人都知道，拷问逼供得到的案情挺不可靠。

J. R. and Philip Milton present the first critical edition of John Locke's Essay concerning Toleration and a number of other writings on law and politics composed between 1667 and 1683. Although Locke never published any of these works himself they are of very great interest for students of his intellectual development because they are markedly different from the early works he wrote while at Oxford and show him working out ideas that were to appear in his mature political writings, the Two Treatises of Government and the Epistola de Tolerantia. The Essay concerning Toleration was written in 1667, shortly after Locke had taken up residence in the household of his patron Lord Ashley, subsequently Earl of Shaftesbury. It has been in print since the nineteenth century, but this volume contains the first critical edition based on all the extant manuscripts; it also contains a detailed account of Locke's arguments and of the contemporary debates on comprehension and toleration. Also included are a number of shorter writings on church and state, including a short set of queries on Scottish church government (1668), Locke's notes on Samuel Parker (1669), and 'Excommunication' (1674). The other two main works contained in this volume are rather different in character . One is a short tract on jury selection which was written at the time of Shaftesbury's imprisonment in 1681. The other is 'A Letter from a Person of Quality', a political pamphlet written by or for Shaftesbury in 1675 as part of his campaign against the Earl of Danby. This was published anonymously and is of disputed authorship; it was first attributed to Locke in 1720 and since then has occupied an uncertain position in the Locke canon. This volume contains the first critical edition based on contemporary printed editions and manuscripts and it includes a detailed account of the Letter's composition, authorship, and subsequent history. This volume will be an invaluable resource for all historians of early modern philosophy, of legal, political, and religious thought, and of 17th century Britain.