On Human Conduct is composed of three connected essays. Each has its own concern: the first with theoretical understanding, and with human conduct in general; the second with an ideal mode of human relationship which the author has called civil association; and the third with that ambiguous, historic association commonly called a modern European state. Running through the work is Professor Oakshott's belief in philosophical reflection as an adventure: the adventure of one who seeks to understand in other terms what he already understands, and where the understanding is sought is a disclosure of the conditions of the understanding enjoyed and not a substitute for it. Its most appropriate expression is an essay, which, he writes, 'does not dissemble the conditionality of the conclusions it throws up and although it may enlighten it does not instruct.'

本书试图阐释宋代专制体制产生的过程和背景。作者从宏观和微观多种角度进行了探讨。宋代的士大夫是以科举为基础而产生出来的儒士，他们把“经世济民”作为政治信念，实则是想通过科举考试来实现其“升官发财”的梦想，为了在官场能出人头地，他们利用同乡、同宗、同学、同行等各种“关系”构筑起关系网，并利用各种关系策动政治斗争，树立党争派别，尔虞我诈，互相倾轧，加剧了中国“君主独裁政治”的形成。全书论点清晰，资料翔实，文风绵密，醒人深思。论文由林松涛、朱刚等文化学人担当翻译。

本书通过比较东西方两个相似历史时段，即秦国统一前的春秋战国时期和拿破仑征服欧洲失败前的时期，提出了一个关于世界政治的动态理论，分别利用古代中国和近代早期欧洲的历史检验了动态理论，集中关注了该理论对国家形成的意义，强调了国际关系学与比较政治学的不可分割，并从动态理论的角度对世界政治转型进行了思考。
译者序
中文版前言
致谢
第一章 世界政治的动态理论
第二章 春秋战国时期的国际政治动力学
第三章 反思近代早期欧洲的国际政治动力学
第四章 国家形成和转型的动力学
第五章 结论与意义
附录一 近代早期欧洲（1495-1915年）有大国卷入的战争一览表
附录二 春秋战国时期（公元前656-前221年）有大国卷入的战争一览表
附录三 有大国卷入的战争一览表的操作标准
附录四 中国历史年表
参考文献

Raico takes on all comers, disposing of all opponents of the market from Keynesians to Marxists and everyone in between, with crackling prose and sizzling wit. The liberal history comes alive with Raico’s pen, and at the same time quenches the reader’s thirst for detail, infusing an excitement that urges the reader to further explore.

In their earliest encounters with Asia, Europeans almost uniformly characterized the people of China and Japan as white. This was a means of describing their wealth and sophistication, their willingness to trade with the West, and their presumed capacity to become Christianized. But by the end of the seventeenth century the category of whiteness was reserved for Europeans only. When and how did Asians become 'yellow' in the Western imagination? Looking at the history of racial thinking, "Becoming Yellow" explores the notion of yellowness and shows that this label originated not in early travel texts or objective descriptions, but in the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century scientific discourses on race. From the walls of an ancient Egyptian tomb, which depicted people of varying skin tones including yellow, to the phrase 'yellow peril' at the beginning of the twentieth century in Europe and America, Michael Keevak follows the development of perceptions about race and human difference. He indicates that the conceptual relationship between East Asians and yellow skin did not begin in Chinese culture or Western readings of East Asian cultural symbols, but in anthropological and medical records that described variations in skin color. Eighteenth-century taxonomers such as Carl Linnaeus, as well as Victorian scientists and early anthropologists, assigned colors to all racial groups, and once East Asians were lumped with members of the Mongolian race, they began to be considered yellow. Demonstrating how a racial distinction took root in Europe and traveled internationally, "Becoming Yellow" weaves together multiple narratives to tell the complex history of a problematic term.

本书是美国激进经济学家塞缪尔•鲍尔斯和赫伯特•金蒂斯的代表作。该书主要从传统的政治学与经济学整合出发，对资本主义经济思想作出了政治批判，把有关权力和人类发展的现实政治概念（诸如公民﹑权利冲突等）运用到资本主义经济体系的分析中去，指出经济是一种以民主方式来组织的政治领域。本书为分析当代资本主义提供了新的微观经济学基础，并且预测了未来新宏观经济学的发展。

Will new information technologies, especially the Internet, bring freedom and democracy to authoritarian China? This study argues that the Internet has brought about new dynamics of socio-political changes in China, and that state power and social forces are transforming in Internet-mediated public space. Its findings are fourfold. First, the Internet empowers both the state and society. The Internet has played an important role in facilitating political liberalization, and made government more open, transparent, and accountable. Second, the Internet produces enormous effects which are highly decentralized and beyond the reach of state power. Third, the Internet has created a new infrastructure for the state and society in their engagement with (and disengagement from) each other. Fourth, the Internet produces a recursive relationship between state and society. The interactions between the state and society over the Internet end up reshaping both the state and society.

现代性之政治叙事从实质上说是消解性的，是充满毒素的罂粟花。它们没有建设，只是批判，没有改良，只是否定，其历史的虚无主义和政治浪漫主义，只能使本来就步履艰难的中国现代政治走向更加危险的境地。因此，对于中国现代政治思想来说，关键的不是鹦鹉学舌地把西方的现代性思想理论搬运到中国，而是回到人家发育现代政治的优良传统之中，学习英美建设现代政治的真智慧，而不是法德反现代政治的伪问题。

There are outstanding studies of nationalism as a history of nationalistic ideas, as in the writings of Hans Kohn; there are competent descriptions of nationalism as a force in politics, as by the Study Group of the Royal Institute of International Affairs headed by Edward Hallett Carr; and there are important works organizing the many facts about nationalism in terms of some particular problem, such as Quincy Wright's monumental Study of War. But there has seemed to be no answer to the question why nationalist ideas met with wide and strong response at certain times and places, and with almost no response at others.
In certain areas, economic growth has led to national unification; in others to greater national diversity. Why did national sentiments develop in one direction but not in the other? In certain cases, individuals can and do change from membership in one people to membership in another; in other situations they seem almost powerless to do so, and nationality appears as if it were some objective fact beyond the decisions of individuals.
What, then, is ethnic nationality? Under which conditions will a government or a political organization find it an asset? Under which a liability? What is the relation of this nationalisty to economic life, to incomes, opportunities, and expectations? And how may it become so important to individuals as to override their economic interest and even their interest in self-preservation?
To make a beginning at answering these questions we need studies about objective as well as the subjective sides of nationalisty, and about the long-run trends of national assimilation or differentiation.
The present study represents an attempt toward such a theory.

In this 1992 book John Zaller develops a comprehensive theory to explain how people acquire political information from elites and the mass media and convert it into political preferences. Using numerous specific examples, Zaller applies this theory to the dynamics of public opinion on a broad range of subjects, including domestic and foreign policy, trust in government, racial equality, and presidential approval, as well as voting behaviour in U.S. House, Senate, and presidential elections. The thoery is constructed from four basic premises. The first is that individuals differ substantially in their attention to politics and therefore in their exposure to elite sources of political information. The second is that people react critically to political communication only to the extent that they are knowledgeable about political affairs. The third is that people rarely have fixed attitudes on specific issues; rather, they construct 'preference statements' on the fly as they confront each issue raised. The fourth is that, in constructing these statements, people make the greatest use of ideas that are, for various reasons, the most immediately salient to them. Zaller emphasizes the role of political elites in establishing the terms of political discourse in the mass media and the powerful effect of this framing of issues on the dynamics of mass opinion on any given issue over time.

The Lonely Crowd is considered by many to be the most influential book of the twentieth century. Its now-classic analysis of the 'new middle class' in terms of inner-directed and other-directed social character opened exciting new dimensions in our understanding of the psychological, political, and economic problems that confront the individual in contemporary American society. The 1969 abridged and revised edition of the book is now reissued with a new foreword by Todd Gitlin that explains why the book is still relevant to our own era.

第二次世界大战期间，德国强调“人种论”，认为日耳曼民族是世界最优秀的民族。虽然这种说法日后被完全否定，但德国在过去两百多年从艺术、音乐到科学等领域，确实是人才辈出。
剑桥大学研究员彼得•沃森（Peter Watson）的叙述横贯1750年至今的德国现代思想与文化，将对全世界对于德国的陈旧观念发起挑战，让人们重新认识德语社会曾对世界带来的影响。
从巴洛克时代的结束、音乐家巴赫的逝世到1933年希特勒的崛起，德国从一个文化贫瘠的西方国家转变为一个重要的文化强国——甚至比法国、英国、意大利、荷兰、美国更具创造性、更有影响力。
在20世纪的最初几十年中，德国的艺术家、作家、学者、哲学家、科学家和工程师将本国的科学文化推向了难以想象的高度。
截至1933年，获得诺贝尔奖的德国人比任何其他国家都多，甚至超过了英国和美国的总和。然而，阿道夫·希特勒和第三帝国的统治使得天才锐减。这个残酷的事实使得德国取得的许多成就至今仍被阴影笼罩。
但当时，德国人是如何扭转国家大局，造就了文化领域一枝独秀的地位？
在这本兼容并包的文化与思想史中，彼得·沃森追溯历史真相，探索了德国天才的起源。他解释了德国文化为何能蓬勃发展、如何塑造了人们的生活。最重要的是，德国的科学文化如何持续影响着我们的世界。
作者还提出，德国思想是现代西方文化的巅峰。从贝多芬、康德到尼采，从歌德、瓦格纳到孟德尔、普朗克，从黑格尔、马克思到弗洛伊德、勋伯格，无数大师塑造了这种文化。
此外，尽管经历了第二次世界大战，约瑟夫·博伊斯（Joseph Beuys，艺术家）、于尔根·哈贝马斯（Juergen Habermas，哲学家）、约瑟夫·拉辛格（Joseph Alois Ratzinger，枢机主教）等重要人物保证了德国智慧至今仍兴旺发展。
《德国天才》是一部引人入胜，气魄宏大的编年史……英语目前在艺术和科学领域占据主导地位，但沃森另辟蹊径，带你回到很久以前德语一家独大的时刻。

The most influential of contemporary philosophers explores the idea of friendship and its political consequences, past and future.