"Ruling America" offers a panoramic history of our country's ruling elites from the time of the American Revolution to the present. At its heart is the greatest of American paradoxes: How have tiny minorities of the rich and privileged consistently exercised so much power in a nation built on the notion of rule by the people? In a series of thought-provoking essays, leading scholars of American history examine every epoch in which ruling economic elites have shaped our national experience. They explore how elites came into existence, how they established their dominance over public affairs, and how their rule came to an end. The contributors analyze the elite coalition that led the Revolution and then examine the antebellum planters of the South and the merchant patricians of the North. Later chapters vividly portray the Gilded Age "robber barons," the great finance capitalists in the age of J. P. Morgan, and the foreign-policy "Establishment" of the post-World War II years. The book concludes with a dissection of the corporate-led counter-revolution against the New Deal characteristic of the Reagan and Bush era. Rarely in the last half-century has one book afforded such a comprehensive look at the ways elite wealth and power have influenced the American experiment with democracy. At a time when the distribution of wealth and power has never been more unequal, "Ruling America" is of urgent contemporary relevance.

In this major theoretical statement, the author offers a new and provoctive interpretation of institutional transformations associated with modernity. What is modernity? The author suggests, "As a first approximation, let us simply say the following: 'modernity' refers to modes of social life or organization which emerged in Europe from about the seventeenth century onwards and which subsequently became more or less worldwide in their influence." We do not as yet, the author argues, live in a post-modern world. The distinctive characteristics of our major social institutions in the closing years of the twentieth century suggest that, rather than entering into a period of post-modernity, we are moving into a period of "high modernity" in which the consequences of modernity are becoming more radicalized and universalized than before. A post-modern social universe may eventualy come into being, but this as yet lies on the other side of the forms of social and cultural organization that currently dominate world history. In developing a fresh characterization of the nature of modernity, the author concentrates on the themes of "security versus danger and o "trust versus risk. Modernity is a double-edged phenomenon. The development of modern social institutions has created vastly greater opportunities for human beings to enjoy a secure and rewarding existencethan in any type of pre-modern system. But modernity also has a somber side that has become very important in the present century, such as the frequently degrading nature of modern industrial work, the growth of totalitarianism, the threat of environmentsal destruction, and the alrming development of military power and weaponry. The book builds upon the author's pevious theoretical writings and will be of great interest to those who have followed his work through the years. However, this book covers issues the author has not previously analyzed and extends the scope of his work into areas of pressing practical concern.

以辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义的历史发展为主题，以唯物主义与形而上学的斗争为主线，描述了马克思主义的形成与历史发展。

Winner of the Pulitzer Prize. A study of the last 100 years of American history.

德国最后的文化贵族已经在二战前被终结了。关于这一代欧洲文人，韦伯做过类比，说他们近似中国儒家学者(Mandarins)，其“地位来自教育与学识，而非世袭权力或财富”。关键是：中国学人饱读诗书、珍爱文化，同时具备政治抱负、治国才干。如此进退自如，可谓知识分子理想型。这一代文人都很讲文化民族主义，到了现在，被布尔迪厄通通批为“文化保守主义”一代，并认为他们要对纳粹兴起负主要责任。真是驴唇不对马嘴啊。

How politics is played by one who knows the game... Chris Matthews has spent a quarter century on the playing field of American politics -- from righthand man of Speaker of the House Tip O'Neill to host of NBC's highest rated cable talk show Hardball. In this revised and updated edition of his political classic, he offers fascinating new stories of raw ambition, brutal rivalry, and exquisite seduction and reveals the inside rules that govern the game of power.

政治地理学概念的提出和发展，在西方学界日益成为一门显学。而在中国，政治地理的研究尚未形成气候。周振鹤先生以其著名历史地理学家的理论修养和敏锐视野，在学界首倡中国政治地理研究，具有重要的学术意义。 周先生主编并撰写总论和秦汉部分等重要篇章的12卷本《中国行政区划通史》即将全部出版，这为中国政治地理学的开拓发展提供了契机。而周先生在此时将其20年前由香港中华书局出版的《体国经野之道---新角度下的中国行政区划沿革史》修订增补为《中国政治地理十五讲》一书，打通政治学、历史学和地理学畛域，为中国政治地理学奠定理论基础，具有重要学术价值。

What holds America together? In this classic work, Russell Kirk describes the beliefs and institutions that have nurtured the American soul and commonwealth. Beginning with the Hebrew prophets, Kirk examines in dramatic fashion the sources of American order. His analytical narrative might be called "a tale of five cities": Jerusalem, Athens, Rome, London, and Philadelphia. For an understanding of the significance of America at the dawn of a new century, Russell Kirk's masterpiece on the history of American civilization is unsurpassable. This edition includes a new foreword by the distinguished historian Forrest McDonald.

谁会宣称自己不是民主制的支持者呢?民主全能。民主能让人民都作主，能治腐败，能让人人平等，能让政治清明，能让世界上所有的老百姓都过上好日子。它高于家庭、高于民族、高于主权、高于人权，还高于一切非西方人的生命权。这就是目前弥漫于世人之间的民主迷信！笔者不反民主，甚至还有些喜欢民主，可也不信民主教，更不信那些虔诚的“启蒙”者能把中国人民都变成民主信徒。中国充满困境，但笔者不信民主能解决中国社会的主要困难。笔者希望回到政治文明的原点来讨论民主，讨论民主化，讨论今天的民主十字军。这么做的目的只有一个，就是提醒国人，不要从一个陷阱跳入另一个陷阱。就目前中国的情况而论，适宜建立的不是虚妄的民主，而是法治导向、由六大支柱构成的所谓“咨询型法治”。这六大支柱包括中立的文官系统；自主的司法系统；独立的反贪机构；独立的审计系统；以全国和省人民代表大会为核心的广泛的社会咨询系统；以及受法律充分保护的言论、出版、集会和结社的自由。这种法治有六大特点，即强调“法律”作主，拒绝“人民”做主；强调法的正义性，因而特别重视“法律面前人人平等”；强调严格执法的重要性，刻意增加立法难度；强调限制政府的职能和规模，造就有限政府，保障社会经济生活的自由，从而鼓励民族的创造力；强调政府行为的透明；强调追求符合中华传统的秩序与自由。本书所收论文，从法治、现代化和秩序等不同的角度讨论了上述问题。

A revised edition of the clasic study of American politics from the Founding Fathers to FDR.